Sunday Times 2
Nepal’s uncertain future: Can interim leader live up to Gen-Z dreams?
View(s):By Naresh Koirala from Kathmandu, especially to the Sunday Times
On September 4, the government, ever anxious to suppress public criticism, arbitrarily banned social media platforms, alleging they have proliferated hate, spread fake news and online fraud.
The ban deprived the people of their favourite communication channels and disconnected hundreds of thousands of the Nepali diaspora from their homeland. It also appears to have lit the fuse of growing public anger over unabated political corruption and the rising inequality between the political class and ordinary Nepalis.
Officials greet newly-elected Prime Minister of Nepal’s interim government Sushila Karki (R) as she arrives at the prime minister’s office in Kathmandu on September 14, 2025. Nepal’s new leader vowed on September 14 to follow protesters’ demands to “end corruption” as she began work as interim prime minister, after “Gen Z” youth demonstrations ousted her predecessor. (Photo by Prabin Ranabhat/AFP)
On September 8, thousands of protesters, many of them in school uniform, took to the streets of Kathmandu and other major cities in the country, demanding an end to corruption, the reinstatement of the social media platforms and the resignation of the Prime Minister. Vested interests and agent provocateurs infiltrated the movement at the end of the day and vandalised the house of the parliament. Nineteen protestors, many of them underage children, were killed in the subsequent firing by the security forces. The death toll has since risen to 73, with hundreds of critically injured individuals still under medical treatment.
On September 9, arsonists and vandals set fire to public buildings, including the Parliament House, the Government Secretariat, the Supreme Court, and the houses of politicians deemed corrupt; Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli, Chairman of the United Marxist Leninist (UML) and head of the coalition government, resigned. The Nepal army moved in and controlled the chaos. They took Mr Oli, his cabinet ministers, and Mr Sher Bahadur Deuba, Chairman of the Nepali Congress and Mr Oli’s coalition partner, under their protection.
‘Gen Z’—a loose coalition of young men and women who grew up between 1997 and 2022—had called for the protests. They were inspired by Sri Lanka’s Aragalaya, ‘The Struggle’, in 2022, and Bangladesh’s July Revolution, also known as the Gen Z revolution, in mid-2024, as well as Indonesia’s movement against the so-called nepo-kids, the children and relatives of political elites, who have an opulent lifestyle. If Sri Lankans could do it, Bangladeshis could do it; if Indonesians could do it, why not us? was the popular sentiment. They did it. The Oli government fell overnight. A day before his fall, the 74-year-old prime minister had manoeuvred his party to declare him “irreplaceable”. Earlier, he had boasted he would be around for years to come.
On September 12, President Ram Chandra Poudel appointed the retired Chief Justice of Nepal’s Supreme Court, Sushila Karki, as the interim Prime Minister for six months and dissolved parliament. The Chief of the Nepal Army acted as the intermediary between the President and Gen Z representatives. Karki was chosen by Gen Z. For now, the Gen Z revolution has succeeded. But what about in the long term?
What are Ms Karki’s challenges? What if she fails?
Karki’s challenges
Ms Karki, a feisty 73-year-old, stood out as a symbol of professionalism, integrity and courage in the cesspool of Nepal’s judiciary filled with party hacks and lackeys of larger political party leaders. She worked tirelessly as an anti-corruption crusader and government critic after her retirement. She is not tied to any political party. She has no experience in running a government and managing its complexity. She was catapulted to power by Gen Z and the Nepal Army. Her primary mandate from the President is to hold new elections in six months. The polls are to be held within the ambit of the present Constitution. Besides the election, the country expects her to clean up political corruption and rekindle hope in its future.
Ms Karki will be closely watched by the country, especially by Gen Z, a loosely connected group of passionate young men eager for results. They lack experience in governing and, like all young people, are impatient. Ms Karki will need to show that change is happening before they lose patience. Political parties, despite still suffering from the humiliating rejection by the people, will attempt to discredit her by nitpicking at her slightest failures or missteps. Ms Karki must navigate these complexities to deliver results. This is a tall order.
The Election Commission has assured Ms Karki that it can complete the election if provided with sufficient resources. Her cabinet selections so far have been uncontroversial. She has chosen subject matter experts, retired civil servants who understand the government. This is all positive.
Ms Karki has promised to launch an independent investigation into all major corruption cases that the Oli government swept under the carpet. Given the political and financial clout of the corrupt, this will be a formidable challenge, but she would be able to do it with cooperation from Gen Z and the general public. It will be more challenging to take effective actions to combat corruption in the long term.
The web of corruption that exists in the country now was supported and facilitated by discredited political leaders. They did so by exploiting the loopholes in the Constitution. Dismantling this web and ensuring it does not return will require amending the Constitution and enacting new laws. These would include legislation to limit election expenses by candidates; government financial support for political parties’ election expenses; disqualifying candidates with previous criminal or corruption records or candidates with pending corruption investigations from contesting elections; laws to encourage internal democracy within political parties; and many others. Unless these laws are enacted before the next election, the new parliament is unlikely to be different from the dissolved parliament; political corruption will resume.
Going forward
September 8 has established Gen Z as a significant force in Nepali politics. From now on, until the opposition party in the parliament starts acting in the spirit of a parliamentary constitution, it should function as an independent watchdog of the government. To do this effectively in the long term, it needs a leader, ideological clarity, and mature advice before making decisions. A single agenda—curb the corruption—group is unlikely to last long and be a responsible watchdog.
The protests of September 8 have decisively rejected the heads and political leaders of Nepal’s major parties and their supporters. They are currently under Army protection, and if the investigation into the pending corruption cases proceeds as Ms Karki has promised, most of them may end up in prison. Whether they do or not, their time in politics is over. The time has come for them to transfer their party chairs to those who are not their lackeys and not tainted by corruption. Democracy needs a strong leader acceptable to the people. Close associates of the discredited leaders will neither be suitable nor accepted by the people.
For Nepal to progress, Ms Karki must succeed, but her determination to do good alone will not suffice. She requires cooperation from all: Gen Z, political parties, and ordinary citizens. Whether she can garner this support remains uncertain. Until that is clear, Nepal’s future stays unpredictable. It could begin a positive upward path or sink even deeper.
(Koirala writes on political matters and regularly contributes to Nepal’s premier English-language daily, Kathmandu Post.)