Political Column

The self confession came first from Minister Rohitha Bogollagama when he declared "Sir, hari vedak ney vuney" (or something equivalent to saying something terrible happened). His colleague Nimal Siripala de Silva took on from there to relate the tale to President Mahinda Rajapaksa.

The Government's peace negotiators had been in a room at the International Conference Centre in Geneva, where the peace talks were held last weekend, speaking with Norwegian facilitators - Jon Hanssen Bauer, the special envoy and Hans Brattskar, Ambassador to Sri Lanka. Suddenly the room door opened. In walked the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) Political Wing, Suppiah Palani Thamilselvan.

The Norwegian duo who were seated rose promptly to speak to the guerrilla leader who was heading LTTE's peace team to Geneva. That appeared a courtesy. But instantaneously, almost on cue, Bogollagama and others around had also risen from their seats. It had occurred to them only after they had got up, that they were neither obliged nor expected to extend such courtesies to the guerrilla leader.

President Rajapaksa was not amused. And he did not hide his feelings. The Sri Lanka delegation members need not have extended that reverence to the LTTE Political Wing leader, he exhorted. "It happened without our knowing. We don't know why we did it but we did it…. everything happened so soon," declared de Silva.

The confession came on Tuesday when the delegation members called on Rajapaksa to brief him on the outcome of the peace talks in Geneva. The talks were held last Saturday and Sunday. If this team planned to sit down at the negotiation table in Geneva to begin a journey to seek a negotiated settlement to the ethnic conflict, an issue over the opening of A-9 highway put paid to it. All the hopes of proposing to discuss core issues after scheduling a string of dates for future talks were dashed. If such plans boosted hopes in the country's trade, commerce, industry, tourism among other sectors for a trouble free year end and the dawn of a new year with raised visions of peace ended up in smoke. Instead, mounting tension caused by fears of guerrilla attacks bred further uncertainty and shed a gloomy air of hopelessness.

The LTTE was insistent that the Muhamalai end of the A-9 highway should be opened in view of the suffering undergone by 600,000 civilians. The Government, on the other hand, offered to send food, fuel, medicine and other supplies through sea routes and sought an LTTE security guarantee. (On the opposite page, the SITUATION REPORT gives an exclusive account on what transpired at the Geneva talks).

The Sri Lanka delegation leader, Nimal Siripala de Silva had been on regular telephone contact with President Rajapaksa. The latter had repeatedly told him to stand firm on the issue of re-opening the A-9 highway at the Muhamalai end and not to give in to LTTE demands. De Silva repeatedly told his delegation colleagues of the Rajapaksa directive and the need to adhere to it.

The negative events in Geneva came as a further burden on President Rajapaksa who is yet to complete even his first year in office. His erstwhile political partner, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), which thrust him to power, has declared war on him. He was being badgered at Jana Sangwada (People's Debate) sessions now being held by the JVP in most parts of the country. He is accused of a "great betrayal" of those who voted him to power. That is by veering away from the Mahinda Chinthanaya and doing exactly the opposite of what was promised.

At a Jana Sangwada meeting in Galle this week, JVP's firebrand speaker, Wimal Weerawansa accused President Rajapaksa of trying to please everyone every time. There was no consistent policy and different parties were told different things that were pleasing to their ears. He said this cannot go on forever. On an average 150 to 200 JVP supporters attended these meetings. After a half an hour speech, the audience was asked to raise questions. One of the frequent questions asked from JVP politburo members, Provincial Councillors and other senior party cadres taking part in such meetings was why they were not bringing issues to the notice of President Rajapaksa. The reply - they had failed; despite many efforts, and that was why they were coming before the people to apprise them of matters.

Since the launching of their People's Debate campaign, the JVP has shunned overtures from the President for a meeting. They snubbed him on a number of occasions, but this did not deter Rajapaksa, the now seasoned politician. The People's Debate meetings conclude on November 5 (today), and amidst heavy pressure from the Presidential aides, the JVP has relented and agreed to meet the President on Tuesday (Nov.7), the day the Emergency is to be debated in Parliament.

The United National Party (UNP) that embraced the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) a fortnight ago, thus evicting and energizing the JVP to take up cudgels against Rajapaksa, is also in some quandary. The ink had not dried from the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe signed with President Rajapaksa when the Geneva talks collapsed and Air Force jets began bombarding LTTE positions. The main thrust of that MoU is that the two sides will seek a "negotiated political settlement" to the northern insurgency. Against this backdrop, the JVP also exploded a bombshell by praising the Government for refusing LTTE demands to open the A-9 highway.

The Government's 'defensive war' strategy barely 24 hours after the delegations of the two sides returned to their stations through a string of air raids on rebel targets has exacerbated the situation on the ground. On Thursday, the bombings shifted to Kilinochchi, the rebel heartland from where LTTE leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran will make his "Maveerar Day" (Great Heroes Day) address on November 27, exactly 21 days from today. That the air raids were on the very soil from which he delivers this year's address, against the backdrop of failed talks and mounting incidents, will no doubt have a telling effect. It would therefore be logical to ask whether he would retaliate before he spells out his plans for the coming year. That heightens security concerns. The bombing also drew a rebuke from the Donor Co-chairs - European Union, Japan, United States and Norway - who expressed regret over the incident.

As if all these headaches were not enough, President Rajapaksa had to chair a conference to deal with the mounting piles of garbage. Some argue that the issue is important enough for a President to look into, with mounting cases of dengue and other illnesses; but the reality is the fact that even such trivial issues now require Presidential attention. Quite clearly, a Minister, a Government official or even the Mayor of Colombo, Mohamed Imtiyaz, who crossed over to the Government side, nor a full Municipal Council is not doing their jobs properly. Not even the plethora of advisors. So a President has to do the job for them. The buck - and in this case - the garbage -stops there.

But it was not President Rajapaksa who had a monopoly of the headaches. The country's main Opposition, UNP was riddled with in-fighting and open back-stabbing as it negotiated the last weekend before the crucial Working Committee meeting that was going to decide the future of the Party and its Leadership.

The fact that there was a misunderstanding in scheduling a meeting between Party Leader Wickremesinghe and Deputy Leader Karu Jayasuriya just goes to show how bad the situation is.

Last weekend a political columnist of a leading Sinhala language Sunday newspaper had urged Jayasuriya to meet Wickremesinghe. According to Jayasuriya, he believed that Wickremesinghe wanted to see him. So, he gave a time for Monday 12.30 pm., and then spoke to the Party Leader's secretary K.P. Dayaratne for confirmation, to be told "He is waiting for you".

When Wickremesinghe met Jayasuriya both were waiting for the other to open the discussion, thinking the other had wanted the meeting. "Did you want to see me", asked Wickremesinghe, to which Jayasuriya said "I thought you wanted to see me".

It was an open secret that the two were pulling in different directions, and on the eve of the party's annual convention, there were forces at work within the party trying to push Jayasuriya to the forefront at the expense of Wickremesinghe. The ice thus broken, by this 'accidental' meeting, the two leaders got down to pouring their hearts out - well, not exactly, but at least letting the other know what their positions were.

Jayasuriya first complained that he was at the receiving end of some bad media publicity. He felt a 'Media Mafia' controlled by Wickremesinghe was orchestrating attacks on him, and gave notice that he was going to issue a press statement on this matter.

Wickremesinghe complained that his role as Leader was being undermined. He said that he knew of the machinations that went on behind his back when negotiations were held with President Rajapaksa and others to support the Government. He said he was "not going to open those pages of what happened before the MoU was signed".

He said he was willing to go ahead with party reforms, but not in the manner in which some sections wanted them for their own benefit.

Jayasuriya in turn was forthcoming. He said he respected Wickremesinghe, "but the Captain can't play alone. He must play with his team". He complained that he was being side-lined, kept in the dark on many matters, and that a "certain group" was running the party; that MPs have asked him why he was silent on these matters. He has been accused of being "Deaf and Dumb" by these MPs to the goings-on inside the party.

The two discussed the events that un-folded before the MoU was signed. Jayasuriya made it clear that the final draft was not what was discussed between the two party delegations. He was clearly implying that Wickremesinghe hijacked it at the last moment, and had the references to the UNP accepting Ministerial portfolios - and working through Parliamentary Committees deleted. Readers will recall previous references to how Prof. G.L. Peiris, the draftsman of the original papers relating to the MoU had included a paper (No.7) that referred to UNPers sitting in the Cabinet while being in the Opposition, a paper others in the UNP had not seen, and was therefore questioned.

Wickremesinghe told Jayasuriya that the final MoU was what the President also agreed to; and referred to the last-minute non-acceptance by Rajapaksa of two of the six matters they had earlier decided to mutually co-operate in; The Economy and Education. The issue of whether the UNP is to accept Government jobs while being in the Opposition was not included in the MoU, but kept for a later date.

It was on Tuesday this week that the UNP hierarchy received calls from journalists announcing Karu Jayasuriya's statement which he told Wickremesinghe he would be issuing. To Wickremesinghe’s surprise, however, this statement went beyond clarifying media reports about him. It had references to inner-party democracy, and even quotes from Mahatma Gandhi - a clear innuendo about Wickremesinghe's leadership.

Wickremesinghe did not ask Jayasuriya about the statement as they sat in the same committee - nor did Jayasuriya tell him of its contents. But the pro- Wickremesinghe camp got into action, and decided that Galle MP Vajira Abeywardene send a rebuttal to the press. That got everyone's goat up - on the anti- Wickremesinghe lobby. They galvanized into action, and the Master Draftsman was called to help Gamini Lokuge, the party's trade union chief issue a counter to Abeywardene.

Lokuge questioned Abeywardene's right - and his seniority to ridicule the Deputy Leader. Abeywardene was to tell Wickremesinghe later that day that he was senior to Jayasuriya in the party.

The daily newspapers were waiting for the next installment, and this came in the form of a letter that was issued to all UNP MPs from its Parliamentary group Leader ex-Speaker Joseph Michael-Perera - on the instructions of the Party Leader - for a cessation of hostilities - a truce.

Nobody respects ceasefires these days, and Galle's other UNP MP Hemakumara Nanayakkara fired a salvo, much to the glee of many, questioning Joseph Michael Perera's directive.

Jayasuriya denies having a secret rapport with S.B. Dissanayake, the ex-SLFP General Secretary who joined the party in 2001 thereby causing the then Government of President Chandrika Kumaratunga to collapse. Dissanayake is on a complete collision course with Wickremesinghe; hell-bent to replace him with Jayasuriya (at least temporarily) or to have the Party Leader's wings clipped. He is visiting UNP Working Committee members from morning 7 O'clock to Midnight - working round the clock as it were in having several resolutions he has already proposed (without a seconder) passed. His resolution No. 1 calls for a reformed Working Committee, a matter which has been already dealt with by a committee headed by former Internal Security Minister John Amaratunga.

His resolutions No. 4 and 5 oppose the newly appointed Party Secretary Tissa Attanayake, and propose former NWP Chief Minister Gamini Jayawickrama Perera, but J-Perera has said his consent has not been obtained for this, and in the meantime Dissanayake had earlier invited Attanayake home, and told him that he will support him, as they are both from rural areas, if he will help oust the Party Chairman-elect Rukman Senanayake. The party received the Resolution to remove him the next day.

Resolution No. 5 also calls for the appointment of himself as the National Organising Secretary (which he already is); to appoint Party veterans Mohamed Hanifa Mohamed and Dharmadasa Banda as Vice Chairman this amounts to a demotion because they are already Senior Vice Presidents).

Earlier, S.B. Dissanayake had asked Wickremesinghe to appoint him as Assistant Leader, something the Party Leader said he couldn't do because there were other more senior members for that post - and the post had to be held by a sitting MP. Now, Joseph Michael Perera and Jayawickrama Perera have been mandated to speak to S.B. Dissanayake and to speak to him about "collective responsibility", a subject he does not seem to have been too interested in the past.

There were others too vying for this post of Party Assistant Leader - Milinda Moragoda being one of them. A protégé of Wickremesinghe, whom Wickremesinghe had to protect many times over, is now working overtime against his mentor.

Right now, he is running huge telephone bills calling various UNPers from a S$ 720 a night suite at the Grand Hyatt in Singapore joining in the anti-Ranil campaign. But, the shrewd man he is, a businessman came visiting Wickremesinghe on Friday evening suggesting that Moragoda be made Assistant Leader of the party, and if this is done, Moragoda will pull all the chestnuts out of the fire for Wickremesinghe with his detractors, on whose side Moragoda currently seemingly is. Earlier in the week, a party stalwart and Moragoda friend, Tudor Munasinghe had sent a letter to Wickremesinghe saying that the party's UPG (United Professionals Group) wanted the S.B. Dissanayake resolutions taken up at the annual convention on Nov. 19, but later the UPG had officially written to Wickremesinghe saying that this was not the view of the Group.

Meanwhile, Moragoda is trying to arrange a meeting with Rukman Senanayake (who is currently in Bangkok) to keep his option open in the party, but one thing is almost certain; he will not be present at the annual convention on the 19th, making arrangements to fly off to The Hague to join his father whose birthday it is that day. It's anybody's guess whether he will even turn up for the Working Committee meeting next Wednesday - keeping his options open, with all sides, as always.

In the meantime, there are moves to introduce fresh resolutions at tomorrow's Resolutions Committee meeting. One of them is to cut right across S.B. Dissanayake's resolution. The new resolution proposes fewer posts for the hierarchy and more at the grassroots. That of course, might very well need serious consideration by the Grand Old Party, as a whole. They say that when elephants fight, it's the ants who die. Likewise, the party's grassroots organization has all but collapsed as party workers watch in sheer dismay, their leaders fighting for posts - and craving for Ministerial posts at the leadership-level.

Many party elders were watching these developments - some amused, some nostalgic. They referred to the clash between then party leader Dudley Senanayake and his deputy J.R. Jayewardene in the immediate aftermath of the 1970 General Election defeat.

On that occasion, Jayewardene tried to hitch his star to the Sirima Bandaranaike Government wagon, while Senanayake stood with the party. But, by 1973, with Jayewardene ignored by Bandaranaike, the UNP factions banded together, and both Senanayake and Jayewardene began rallying round the fallen supporters throughout the country.

The rest is contemporary history.

Meanwhile, elaborate plans are underway to observe the conclusion of the first year in office of President Rajapaksa. One event is the staging of Ediriweera Sarathchandra's play 'Maname' at 'Temple Trees' on the evening of Nov. 17 - the first anniversary of the Presidential elections.

The joke doing the rounds is about the ending to this play. Here, the heroine is engaged in a fight, during which she drops her sword. She picks it up and hands it over to a Veddha, a man from the indigenous locals. Whereupon, he kills the Prince.

Similarly, they say, Rajapaksa, the hero has given the sword to Ranil Wickremesinghe to behead the JVP.

But before that, Wickremesinghe will need to keep his head and ward off evil forces. For, he knows, uneasy lies the head that wears the crown.