In recent months, the public discourse has been dominated by daily reports of violent underworld clashes, drug-related killings, and major narcotics detections. Yet, in this flurry of criminal investigations and dramatic arrests, one of the most heinous crimes in Sri Lanka’s modern history — the Easter Sunday terrorist attacks of 2019 — has quietly slipped [...]

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Easter Sunday attacks: What happened to Sara Pulasthini? Ask Anandan

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In recent months, the public discourse has been dominated by daily reports of violent underworld clashes, drug-related killings, and major narcotics detections. Yet, in this flurry of criminal investigations and dramatic arrests, one of the most heinous crimes in Sri Lanka’s modern history — the Easter Sunday terrorist attacks of 2019 — has quietly slipped into the shadows.

Once a central issue commanding both national and international attention, the investigation into the Easter bombings now seems to have been relegated to the back burner. Authorities occasionally promise to bring the probe to a conclusion, but concrete updates have been conspicuously absent for months. Whether this silence stems from a lack of investigative capacity, political hesitation, or deliberate neglect remains unclear — but the result is the same: public faith in justice is slowly eroding. 

The Easter Sunday attacks, which claimed the lives of more than 270 innocent worshippers and tourists, were an assault not only on human life but on the very fabric of national security. Nearly six years later, Sri Lankans still await definitive answers: Who were the true masterminds? Why were crucial warnings ignored?

The official line has shifted with every change in government. Yet despite multiple commissions, special police units, and presidential promises, the essential mysteries remain unresolved.

It is worth recalling that although lapses during the Yahapalana government’s administration facilitated the Easter Sunday attacks, the most substantial progress in the investigations into the attacks occurred during the Yahapalana administration. Within weeks of the attacks, security agencies managed to dismantle much of the immediate terror network. Several key operatives, including the suicide bombers’ associates, were either arrested or neutralised.

However, with the change of government in late 2019, momentum waned. The administration of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa reshuffled the key officers who had been driving the investigation — including the then Director of the CID, Shani Abeysekera. His removal, along with other reassignments, effectively derailed the continuity of inquiry. Several pending leads were left cold, and questions surrounding the deeper conspiracy behind the attacks remained unanswered.

The CID, currently already overburdened with hundreds of cases ranging from organised crime to financial fraud, appears unable to devote the sustained attention that the Easter case requires. The absence of a dedicated, well-resourced investigative mechanism has further complicated matters.

Among the many unanswered questions, none is more intriguing — or potentially revealing — than the fate of Sara Jasmine, also known as Sara Pulasthini.

Sara was the wife of Mohamed Ilham, one of the Easter suicide bombers involved in the Shangri-La Hotel attack. She was believed to be part of the network that prepared for the attacks and had direct knowledge of the operations and the individuals involved. Days after the bombings, a house in Sainthamaruthu was raided by security forces, leading to a fierce explosion that killed several family members and associates of the bombers.

Initial media reports, quoting intelligence and police sources, suggested that Sara who was present at the Sainthamaruthu had escaped alive, possibly aided by sympathisers who arranged her clandestine passage to India.

The Colombo Crimes Division in July 2020 arrested Chief Inspector Abu Bakr of the Traffic Division of the Kalawanchikudi Police for allegedly assisting Pulasthini to escape.

Subsequently the Investigators seemed to have had second thoughts and repeated the DNA tests on two occasions. Subsequently the Police issued a statement that a third DNA test indicated that Sara Pulasthini was killed in the Sainthamaruthu blast (i.e., she did not escape). Why the Police decided to repeat the DNA tests gave rise to further speculation.

Thereafter, beyond a few statements and denials, the investigation into Sara’s disappearance has gone silent.

Sara’s importance lies in her proximity to the inner circle of the attackers. If alive, she could be a living link to the planning and execution of the terror network — possibly even to those who masterminded or financed the attacks from behind the scenes. Her testimony, if ever obtained, could help answer the critical questions that remain unresolved. In fact the Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter Sunday Terrorist attacks concluded in its report that investigations into her status must continue.

The recent arrest of Ishara Sewwandi, a suspect in a shooting incident at the Colombo Magistrate’s Court, has reopened an unexpected line of inquiry. According to media reports, Sewwandi had been aided by a man known as Anandan, who specialises in smuggling fugitives out of the country via sea routes to India through the northern coastline.

If Anandan and his network were active around the time of Sara’s disappearance, it is plausible that they — or others engaged in similar operations — might have facilitated her escape. This angle, so far, appears not to have been thoroughly pursued. A fresh investigation into these cross-border smuggling networks could yield vital information about Sara’s movements and possibly confirm whether she ever reached Indian shores.

Given the porous maritime borders and the long-standing smuggling links between northern Sri Lanka and South India, such a scenario cannot be dismissed lightly. If Sara did flee with assistance from local or other actors, identifying them could finally bring clarity to a case clouded by speculation.

What has further eroded public trust is the stark contrast in how law enforcement communicates about different crimes.

In cases involving narcotics, underworld killings, and large-scale drug busts, detailed accounts are released almost on a daily basis to the media — sometimes within hours. Arrests, confessions, and seized contraband are widely publicised. In contrast, information about the progress of the Easter Sunday investigations is almost nonexistent.

This disparity raises uncomfortable questions. Why is a matter of national and international significance — involving hundreds of deaths— treated with such opacity? Regular public briefings, even without disclosing operational details, are essential to sustain confidence in the process. Silence breeds only suspicion.

Given the gravity of the case and its impact on national security, the government owes the public a structured, periodic briefing on the status of the investigations.

A possible approach would be for the Minister of Public Security, together with the Inspector General of Police, to present a progress report to Parliament every two months. Such a report could outline key developments, pending leads, and cooperation with foreign agencies, without compromising ongoing operations.

If the government fails to do so voluntarily, the Opposition should take the initiative to demand these updates through Parliament. Transparency and accountability must not depend on political convenience; they are constitutional obligations.

Periodic briefings would not only reassure victims’ families and the public but also deter the institutional complacency that has plagued many high-profile cases in the past.

The Easter Sunday attacks were not just another tragedy; they were a turning point that exposed the vulnerabilities of our intelligence, security and governance systems. For the victims’ families, justice delayed is justice denied. For the nation, failure to pursue the truth undermines both security and moral authority.

The government must therefore act decisively to:

1. Re-examine the Sara Pulasthini lead, including questioning those involved in smuggling fugitives such as Anandan and others operating through the northern maritime routes.

2. Reconstitute a dedicated, independent investigative team, possibly under judicial supervision, to review all outstanding aspects of the case.

3. Institute mandatory parliamentary briefings, ensuring that both the public and lawmakers are kept informed of progress.

Six years on, the Easter Sunday investigation risks becoming yet another entry in the long list of unfinished Sri Lankan inquiries — a list marred by political interference, institutional inertia, and public disillusionment. The silence surrounding the fate of Sara Pulasthini symbolises this larger failure: a nation that knows the questions but refuses to demand the answers.

Justice cannot be selective, nor can it wait for political timing. As the country battles drugs, organised crime, and corruption, it must not forget the terror that shattered hundreds of families and scarred the conscience of an entire nation. The Easter attacks investigation must not fade into history’s footnotes. The time to revive it — and to seek the truth, wherever it leads — is now. (javidyusuf@gmail.com)

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