Columns

• President issues tough warning to state officials: Stay corruption-free or step aside
• But the controversy over the release of 323 containers without inspection haunts NPP
• Administration formed in 161 councils; the battle goes down to the wire in other councils

By our Political Desk

Eradicating corruption is one of the primary goals set out in the National People’s Power (NPP) government’s campaign manifesto, ‘A Thriving Nation, A Beautiful Life’. The party had a proven track record of exposing corruption by previous governments and had its party leader, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, stand out and make a name for himself over many years in fighting against corruption.

Given that a majority of the populace saw rampant corruption as one of the reasons for the country’s fall into bankruptcy, a pledge to root out corruption was one reason why voters elected Mr. Dissanayake to the presidency. The NPP also heavily marketed itself on having a “clean” image and politicians untouched by corruption allegations, which turned out to be a winning combination at the last parliamentary election.

President Dissanayake’s image as a tireless campaigner against corruption was reinforced again recently, soon after former ministers Mahindananda Aluthgamage and Nalin Fernando were sentenced to 20 and 25 years’ rigorous imprisonment, respectively, by the Colombo High Court Trial-at-Bar on May 29 after being found guilty of causing a loss of over Rs. 53 million to the state by purchasing 14,000 carrom boards and 11,000 checkers boards through Lanka Sathosa. The boards had been purchased to distribute to schools and sports clubs selected by the Sports Ministry but had then been given to party offices of the then government during the 2015 presidential election.

President Dissanayake addressing state revenue officials

The long war against corruption

Soon after the two were sentenced, a video of an exchange between Mr. Aluthgamage and Mr. Dissanayake during the previous Parliament went viral. During that exchange, Mr. Dissanayake pledges to bring an end to the cycle that sees whichever party coming to power engaging in corruption. Mr. Aluthgamage then points out that Mr. Dissanayake was part of the Anti-Corruption Committee established under the then Yahapalana Government and claims he could have acted to eradicate corruption if he was indeed serious about doing so. “I said this before on an earlier occasion as well; if I really did have such power, we would have to go to prison to see many of those in this Parliament. I didn’t have such power. If I did, I know how I would have gone about it,” Mr. Dissanayake replies.

Today, Mr. Dissanayake is the country’s president, while Mr. Aluthgamage and Mr. Fernando have been assigned duties at the printing section of the Welikada Prison, where they are serving their sentence while awaiting an appeal to the Supreme Court. This is not to say that President Dissanayake and the NPP government he leads were the sole reason for the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) being able to prove its case in court beyond reasonable doubt. The case had been filed long before the NPP came to power. Nevertheless, the new government did place an emphasis on fighting corruption, and the Bribery Commission has been extremely active in recent months, with the government pledging to let such agencies carry out their work without political interference. The guilty verdicts and heavy prison sentences have given a clear win for an NPP government desperate for positive news after seeing its vote share drop by a staggering 2.3 million votes at the local council election, a mere six months after being swept into power with a two-thirds parliamentary majority.

The landmark Proceeds of Crime Act, which was passed in Parliament last April without a division, was also a major achievement in the fight against corruption. The legislation will help the state to recover illegal gains made by individuals through criminal acts. The law gives wide powers to investigators and will see the establishment of a Proceeds of Crime Investigation Division (PCID). This division within the Sri Lanka Police will consist of a Director-General, a Deputy Director-General, and other officers to carry out the objectives of the Act. It will also see the creation of a Proceeds of Crime Management Authority, vested with legal authority for the purposes of the protection, preservation and management of proceeds of crime or any other thing relating to pending future criminal proceedings.

Laws alone, however, will not work unless there is a concerted effort by those in power to bring about a fundamental shift in attitude towards bribery, fraud and corruption. One area where both President Dissanayake and his government have clearly become frustrated is in the manner in which corruption in the public service in particular has become so entrenched. Officials ranging from those holding senior positions at government departments and the police to office assistants and Grama Niladharis have been arrested in recent months while allegedly soliciting or accepting bribes.

A state apparatus entrenched in corruption

Some high-profile recent incidents point to just how deeply corruption had seeped into the very heart of the state apparatus. On May 23, Bribery Commission officials, armed with a search warrant, raided the premises of the Department of Motor Traffic (DMT) in Narahenpita. They found Rs. 4.1 million in cash stashed inside a cupboard in the office of a deputy commissioner. The Bribery Commission’s investigators believe the money, packed in packets, had been bundled for distribution among selected staff later in the day as part of collections from private parties during the week. It is believed the money was collected as bribes from people who had visited different divisions within the DMT. Three DMT staff members, including the deputy commissioner in whose office the cash was found, were arrested. They are currently in remand custody. The shocking find raises the possibility of an extensive bribery network covering the entire DMT, with bribes collected at different sections being sent to one distribution point from where corrupt officials receive their ‘cut’ at the end of each working week. Further investigations into the matter are ongoing.

A further shock related to this incident came this week, when Transport Minister Bimal Rathnayake revealed in Parliament on Thursday (5) that all CCTV footage from 2.00am onwards on the day prior to the CIABOC’s raid on the DMT had been deleted. Such an act, done while the three suspects arrested in the DMT raid are still in remand custody, signals a deliberate attempt by interested parties to obstruct ongoing investigations by destroying evidence and pointing to the potential involvement of others who remain at large. “The thieves at the DMT have now started to rebel. We do not fear such a revolt,” Minister Rathnayake said, vowing the government would not succumb to any pressure.

Meanwhile, three suspects, including an assistant controller at the Department of Immigration and Emigration, were arrested by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) on May 27 over the issuance of three forged passports to alleged underworld figure Manidu Padmasiri, alias ‘Kehelbaddara Padme’, who is currently residing abroad. Kehelbaddara Padme is accused of being behind the February 19 shooting at the Aluthkade No. 05 Magistrate’s Court, where a gunman disguised as a lawyer shot and killed another alleged underworld figure, Sanjeewa Kumara Samararatne, alias Ganemulla Sanjeewa. The three suspects, including the Assistant Immigration Controller, were released on bail on Friday (6) and have been banned from travelling overseas.

The NPP promised a complete “system change” that would radically alter the country’s political, social and cultural landscape. Such a change would be virtually impossible to achieve if the core of the system continues to remain corrupt, as such incidents show.

“Change, or we will change you,” President tells officials

President Dissanayake was seemingly conscious of this fact when he essentially read the riot act to public officials on two separate occasions this week. The first was during Monday’s launch of the inaugural ceremony of the “Badu Shakthi – National Tax Week” launched under the theme “Your Tax – Your Future” at the Presidential Secretariat. The programme is aimed at strengthening tax compliance and broadening the tax base.

Addressing the ceremony, the President emphasised that both politicians and public officials found engaging in misconduct would be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law to ensure maximum possible punishment. Following are excerpts from the speech:

“We must also build an efficient public service. We are making a concerted effort to transform the relationship between the state apparatus and the citizen into a fast, efficient and fully digital system. At the same time, corruption that has spread throughout the public sector must be eradicated. You are aware that when an ordinary citizen applies for a passport, they must personally visit the Department of Immigration and Emigration, submit their photograph and provide fingerprints. Yet, underworld figures have been issued multiple passports with different sets of fingerprints and several types of photographs. Institutions tasked with upholding our legal framework have themselves contributed to its breakdown.

“Similarly, there was a case where a locker belonging to an officer of the Department of Motor Traffic contained a sum of money that could not have been legally earned even over three years.

“There are serious allegations surrounding the Customs Department. The Excise Department is also affected by similar issues. As a result, while our country may appear peaceful on the surface, a hidden shadow system continues to operate beneath. This underground network is run by organised smuggling rings. Recently, during the opening of a new Customs warehouse system, illegal imports by some well-known branded companies were uncovered, clearly pointing to the involvement of powerful players in this black economy. This shadow system has long been protected by political authorities. It also includes certain state officials, illegally armed individuals, and even some members of the media.

“Therefore, we are confronting a highly organised shadow system. I assure the people of this country that this shadow system will be dismantled. We are building a nation where everyone is subject to the rule of law. What use is amassing great wealth if, at the age of 61, you end up spending 20 years behind bars? Can anyone justify stealing public funds after receiving their education through public money and drawing a salary funded by taxpayers? All such actions will be punished. This issue regarding public funds is not merely a matter of paying or collecting taxes. It is a deeper, networked problem. Pointing fingers at individual institutions will not solve it, because it is an interconnected system. Therefore, as a state apparatus, we must be fully prepared to deal with it. Anyone unwilling to take on this responsibility is free to step aside. Unless this shadow system is broken, the country will not be able to move even an inch forward. That is why we are committed to dismantling this corrupt network.”

President Dissanayake again referred to corruption within the public service when he addressed the national ceremony to mark World Environment Day in Kegalle on Thursday. Following are excerpts:

“Sri Lanka already possesses some of the strongest environmental laws. We have a robust state apparatus capable of enforcing them. Yet, political patronage has been a significant barrier. Many of the coastal sand mining operations are owned by politicians or their close associates; you know this as well as I do. Even forest destruction has taken place under political protection.

“Let me say this clearly: do not be agents of ecological destruction. Be agents of life. We will provide the political support needed for you to do so. The political authority has undergone reform, but elements of the bureaucracy remain trapped in outdated practices.

“We have discovered officials in the Department of Immigration forging passports. We have found customs officers smuggling goods. There are even mining officials involved in enabling illegal exploitation. These are not isolated cases. That is why I say, let go of the old ways. Embrace change. The time has come. And I will repeat this again and again: either you change, or we will change you.”

Release of red-flagged containers haunts government

While President Dissanayake insists that his government has set an example in the fight against corruption, allegations of corruption have also been levelled against the NPP government. The most prominent of these allegations is over the release of 323 red-flagged containers from the Colombo Port without Customs inspection in January this year. The controversy continues to follow the government, with various accusations being thrown regarding who imported the containers, what their contents were and who ordered their release without inspection. A committee headed by Deputy Treasury Secretary A.K. Seneviratne was appointed in early February to probe the issue but is yet to conclude its inquiry. The CID, meanwhile, is conducting its own probe. The delay in what ought to be a straightforward matter fuels suspicion that the government has something, and something serious, to hide.

The latest government figure to face accusations over the release of the containers is Minister Bimal Rathnayake. Some in the opposition have accused Minister Rathnayake of recommending the release of the containers without Cabinet approval. They further allege that he had no authority to recommend to Sri Lanka Customs to release the containers given that Customs falls under the Ministry of Finance. If that be the case, why then did the Customs oblige such an order?

Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) MP Dayasiri Jayasekara, who had been among those raising the matter, was summoned to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) on Friday to record a statement. Mr. Jayasekara says that him being summoned to the CID is akin to an attempt to “kill the messenger” and questioned why Minister Rathnayake had not been summoned as well. He stated that President Dissanayake had submitted a Cabinet paper on December 13, 2024, to appoint a committee headed by Minister Rathnayake to look into introducing measures aimed at efficiently releasing containers from the Colombo Port and resolving related issues. The committee, however, did not include a single representative of the Finance Ministry. Though the committee had been tasked with looking into the matter and submitting its recommendations at the earliest opportunity, no report had been submitted to the Cabinet more than six months after the committee’s appointment. He noted that after the release of the containers from the port on January 17 and 18, the Customs Trade Union Alliance had written to the President on January 20, strongly protesting the move. “It was only afterwards that we took up the issue, but they have now asked me to come and give a statement on it. This is a case of killing the messenger.”

Mr. Jayasekara also insisted that under Section 163 of the Customs Ordinance, the Director General of Customs can mitigate a penalty or forfeiture imposed on an importer if he deems it unduly severe, while under Section 165, the subject minister has the power to mitigate or remit any penalty or fine incurred under the Ordinance on appeal. However, they have no power to release any containers. “Yet the deputy minister of ports was quoted in the media as saying they had ordered the release of 600-800 containers without subjecting them to inspection to clear the congestion at the port. They have no power to do that. They should have obtained Cabinet approval.”

He added they have requested Sri Lanka Customs to release the Customs Declaration of these containers so that details on who imported the containers and what was in them can be known. Yet, Customs has so far refused to release the information even for applications filed under the Right to Information Act on the grounds that the information in question falls under “personal information” under Section 5 of the RTI Act, the SJB MP alleged.

The matter was also raised on several occasions in Parliament this week, leading to heated exchanges between government and opposition members. Minister Rathnayake told Parliament that investigations into the release of the containers are ongoing and that those investigations will reveal the truth of the matter.

161 local councils formed; battle for control over others

Meanwhile, the formation of 161 of the 339 local councils to which polls were held on May 6 took place on Monday. These were councils where a political party or independent group had obtained a clear majority of the total seats. The formation of 178 other councils, though, will take place in the next few weeks. The local government commissioners in some of these councils have already gazetted the date of the first meeting of their councils. This includes the hotly contested Colombo Municipal Council (CMC), which will have its inaugural sitting at 9.30am on June 16.

With the NPP and the SJB both expected to field candidates for mayor and deputy mayor, an election looms as the first order of business when the 117-member council meets on that date. The NPP needs 11 more members to support it to reach the 59 needed to form a majority in the council.

With most councils where no party or group has obtained a clear majority due to have their inaugural sittings over the course of this month, a lot of behind-the-scenes negotiations are surely taking place. The next few weeks may well throw up a few surprises.

Australian Dep. PM/Defence Minister emphasises Indian Ocean cooperation

Australia’s Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister Richard Marles and a 15-member delegation arrived in Sri Lanka last Sunday for a short visit. He was here as part of a four-nation South and Southeast Asian tour covering the Maldives, Sri Lanka, India and Indonesia to bolster relations with countries in the region as part of the Australian Government’s commitment to deepening diplomatic and defence partnerships in the Indo-Pacific.

During the visit, Mr. Marles met with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath. While they discussed strengthening bilateral relations, there was emphasis on regional cooperation, with Mr. Marles underscoring the importance of sustained collaboration to promote peace, security, and prosperity in the region. This included strengthening ongoing defence cooperation between the two countries, with particular focus on maritime security and efforts to combat transnational crime in the Indian Ocean.

Both sides recognised the critical importance of enhanced collaboration among regional and international partners through shared resources, intelligence, and best practices to effectively address evolving maritime challenges. They further agreed to deepen cooperation within regional frameworks and expand joint efforts in knowledge exchange and capacity building, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement at the end of Mr. Marles’ visit.

During his visits to the Maldives, Mr. Marles met with the country’s Minister of Defence, Mohamed Ghassan Maumoon, and announced the gifting of an Australian-built Guardian-class patrol boat to the Maldives. Here the emphasis was on enhancing Maldives’ capability to protect its sovereign waters and contribute to maritime security in the Indian Ocean.

“The Guardian-class Patrol Boat will provide Maldives a more persistent presence in its vast exclusive economic zone to deter, detect and disrupt illegal maritime activities. In addition to the new vessel, Australia will also be gifting a multi-beam echo sounder to the Maldives. The hydrographic equipment will support Maldives’ capability to map its ocean floor, helping to ensure maritime safety and unlock economic development. This initiative upholds our shared commitment to security, stability, and prosperity in the Indian Ocean region,” a statement issued after the meeting said.

The Indian Ocean has become an area of increasing interest internationally, with Australia stating that, in line with its national defence strategy, it is working with partners across the Northeast Indian Ocean to maintain regional security and stability.

Australia is an important defence partner to the United States and the United Kingdom. It is a part of the ‘Quadrilateral Security Dialogue’ (QSD), the Quad, the strategic forum comprising the US, India, Australia and Japan.

Australia too is a member of the Five Eyes (FVEY) alliance, a global intelligence grouping comprising the US, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. All this makes Australia’s role in the Indian Ocean an important one. While the Australian Defence Minister’s visit did not garner much attention in the country, it is likely that this visit could lay the ground for further defence cooperation between the two countries, including more maritime cooperation as well as counterterrorism assistance for Sri Lanka.

Bandung conference 70 years on: Remembering Sir John’s courageous diplomacy Sir John Kotelawala, Sri Lanka’s third prime minister, is known for his flamboyant and straight-talking style, but his famous retort to Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru at the historic Bandung conference in 1955 is one incident that often gets highlighted, particularly when the conference comes up for discussion. With Bandung celebrating 70 years this year, a relook at what led to the brief disagreement is timely. The Bandung Conference was a meeting of Asian and African states jointly organised by Indonesia, Myanmar (Burma), Ceylon (Sri Lanka), India, and Pakistan that took place from April 18 to 24, 1955, in Bandung, Indonesia. All the countries in attendance were newly independent and grappling with problems in a post-decolonisation period, but it was the presence of China at the conference that caused some heartburn. Bandung was a precursor to the Colombo Powers Conference, an initiative by Sir John, held in Kandy in April-May 1954. Our Man in Bandung: How Sir John Kotelawala of Ceylon shocked Nehru’s idealism In attendance along with the Ceylonese Premier Sir John Kotelawala were big names on the international stage, including Prime Ministers Zhou Enlai of China, Jawaharlal Nehru of India, U Nu of Burma, and President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, with the Indonesian President Sukarno playing host to the conference. In all, 29 countries representing more than half the world’s population sent delegates to the conference. Sir John, as he is fondly known, was a staunch anti-Communist. In his brief memoir, ’An Asian Prime Minister’s Story‘, Sir John makes no apologies for his position, describing himself as ‘an uncompromising opponent of Communism.’ “This I am not through some ‘cussedness’ in me, but because I am convinced that Communism is a wrong thing.” Given this stance, in a forum with China and India, with its socialists’ leanings in attendance, there were bound to be tensions as they all gathered under one roof. In February 1955, two months before the Bandung conference, the Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO), a regional defence organisation, was created by representatives of Australia, France, New Zealand, Pakistan, the Philippines, Thailand, the United Kingdom, and the United States. With Sir John’s anti-communist image and his possible gravitation toward SEATO, he was being closely watched at Bandung. In his speech, where those gathered were expected to condemn Western imperialism, Sir John took a rather controversial position that one system does not enjoy superiority over the other and for world peace they must work together while warning that in the “dispute between the giants of Communism and anti-Communism, which, if fought out to an end, will deluge the world in blood and leave the earth infected with atomic radiation for generations yet unborn or never to be born.” He also compared communism as another form of imperialism equal to Western colonialism, which did not go down too well with either the Chinese Prime Minister or the Prime Minister of India. In his memoir, Sir John tells in his own words what led to the now-famous and often quoted brief exchange with the Indian premier. The first signs were that his speech at Bandung had not gone down well with the Chinese Prime Minister Zhou Enlai, who asked Sir John why he had said what he said, and whether it was his (Sir John’s) intention to break up the conference. “I inquired if it was his intention to do so, because if he had not entered his protest and shown such evident feeling, the discussion would have merely ended with the speech I made. His good humour was restored, but Nehru came up to me and asked me in some heat, “Why did you do that, Sir John? Why did you not show me your speech before you made it?” I have no doubt the remark was well meant, but the only obvious reply I could make was, “Why should I? Do you show me yours before you make them?” Sir John writes in his memoir. And the rest, as they say, is history. This brief exchange, however, did not in any way lead to bad blood between the Lankan and Indian leaders, who shared many things in common, including a love for horse riding. “Nehru and I are the best of friends. I have the highest regard for him, and especially for his disinterestedness in all that he says and does, and the incident must have been as quickly forgotten by him as it was by me,” he wrote. Sir John came away from Bandung also impressed with the Chinese Prime Minister. “He was reasonable and the suave diplomat and experienced negotiator—quite different to the idea one had of Zhou Enlai as difficult and unreasonable. Whether he was trained or had trained himself to act a part for the nonce, I do not know, but, except on the occasion of my onslaught on Communist colonialism, he maintained a very commendable equilibrium,” the Lankan Premier wrote in his memoir.