Retired General Sarath Fonseka continues to boycott the sessions before a senior Army officer tasked to record a 'summary of evidence', the prelude to his facing trial before a General Court Martial (GCM). He maintains that he is now a civilian and is therefore no longer subject to military law. As our front page report today reveals, his attorney, President's Counsel Wijedasa Rajapaksa, confirmed this.
The Sunday Times front-page lead story last week headlined "FONSEKA DEFIES MILITARY INQUIRY" was cause for some discomfort among official propagandists and jaunty media spin-doctors. The former did not know how to react and tried to make out there was no such thing. This is despite President Mahinda Rajapaksa's assertions wanting transparency and pointing out that the authorities were only "dealing with a person responsible for serious violations of law." The latter played with words to take readers, viewers or listeners far, far away from reality. Yet, for them, hiding the truth through twists and turns was an exercise in futility.
Gen. Fonseka did refuse to appear before Major General Daya Ratnayake, on Friday February 12 at the Officer's Mess (Ward Room) at Navy Headquarters. This is despite Maj. Gen. Ratnayake's official request. As exclusively revealed in the Sunday Times, the one time Commander of the Army took up the position that he was now a civilian and would no longer subject himself to any military inquiry.
Army Commander Jagath Jayasuriya, tasked Maj. Gen. Ratnayake, the newly appointed Chief of Staff, to obtain a written 'summary of evidence' from witnesses over alleged attempts to overthrow the government, assassinate President Rajapaksa and on corrupt military deals. Such a 'summary of evidence', according to military law, is recorded in the presence of the accused. He has the legal right to raise questions from the witnesses or cross-examine them. He also has the right, if he so wished, to make an affirmation under oath.
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Having failed to get the accused, in this instance General Fonseka, to visit the Navy Officer's Mess for proceedings, Maj. Gen. Ratnayake informed his Commander, accordingly. He said he was unable to conduct proceedings on Friday since the accused had refused to take part. The officer initiating the 'summary of evidence' had officially recorded this fact and informed his Commander. The Army Chief, satisfied that the accused was not taking part despite an official request, had ordered that the process of collecting the 'summary of evidence' should continue. He took another step to keep Gen. (retd.) Fonseka informed though he would not show up at the Officer's Messs (Ward Room).
Gen. Fonseka is held in annexe 1/16 in the Navy Headquarters complex. It is at the end of the row of 16 annexes meant for use by senior married Navy officers. So, the earlier complaint that he was being held in a junior officers quarters is not true. The one at the furthest end (No: 1/16), just a few metres away from the Officer's Mess, was once upgraded and used by one time Commander of the Navy, Vice Admiral Mohan Samarasekera, as a residence though he did not live within the headquarters premises. However, Fonseka's attorney, Rajapaksa said a Navy doctor who had visited the premises had recommended the installation of an air conditioner.
Army officials linked the Navy Officer's Mess and premises 1/16 by placing a loudspeaker inside the annexe. Witnesses testifying before a microphone in front of Maj. Gen. Ratnayake could be heard in his annexe by Gen. Fonseka. This is how proceedings to record the 'summary of evidence' resumed. Army sources said that at one point, Fonseka kicked the speaker placed in the living room of his annexe. On another occasion, Military Police saw him plugging his ears with his index fingers to show he was not listening to the proceedings. Later, when the first witness, testified, Maj. Gen. Ratnayake had walked to the annex to ask Gen. Fonseka whether he had any questions to raise from witnesses or any statements to make. He is said to have been non co-operative, according to evidence Maj. Gen. Ratnayake has recorded. This matter too has been reported to the Army Commander.
The first to make a statement before Maj. Gen. Ratnayake was Brigadier Renaka Udawatte, Director, Ordnance Services (DOS) at Army Headquarters. Others included Brigadier Royce Sallay, a former Director, Ordnance Services now serving in the Wanni, former Kurunegala District parliamentarian, Johnston Fernando and United National Party former parliamentarian for Badulla District, Lakshman Seneviratne.
Whilst the two serving Army officers had dealt with matters relating to procurements, Fernando, who crossed over from the UNP to the ruling party, is learnt to have spoken about contacts Fonseka made with him. There had also been an intermediary. Seneviratne, among other matters, had testified on the telephone conversations between him and Gen. (retd.) Fonseka when he was serving as Chief of Defence Staff (CDS). According to law, a CDS is appointed from Commanders of the Army, Navy or Air Force. Such a person is thus defined by law as a regular officer of the service he belongs to.
The 'summary of evidence' recorded by Maj. Gen. Ratnayake is now almost complete. The Sunday Times learns that Army Commander Jayasuriya is expected this coming week to write to President Mahinda Rajapaksa, that a prima facie case exists against retired General Fonseka. Rajapaksa, as Commander-in-Chief will then possibly direct that a General Court Martial (GCM) be constituted. Charges will be framed against him.
The accused (Fonseka), in accordance with Court Martial (General and District) Regulations, will be informed of every charge on which he is to be tried. He will also be told that he could summon any witnesses in his defence. Copies of summary or abstract of evidence will be made available to him free of charge.
The charges against him relate to attempts to overthrow the Government, alleged attempt to assassinate President Rajapaksa and engaging in corrupt military deals. Gen. Fonseka has strongly rejected these accusations. The Cinnamon Lakeside hotel where the alleged conspiracy had been discussed, Gen. Fonseka insists was a safe haven they sought after reports that he was to be assassinated. Hence, he maintains that he had together with the security details of former opposition parliamentarians checked into the five star hotel by the Beira Lake on January 26, the night when votes at the Presidential polls were counted.
The formal appointment of members to a General Court Martial together with a president now awaits President Rajapaksa's directive to the Commander of the Army. As exclusively revealed in the Sunday Times last week, it will be headed by Air Chief Marshal Roshan Gunathilake, acting Chief of Defence Staff and Commander of the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF). The appointment of other members is now under study. At high level discussions several names are being considered.
This is how the Sunday Times reported on this matter last week "….active consideration is now being given to mobilise into service two retired Commanders. One is a former Army Commander and Chief of Defence Staff, General Rohan de S. Daluwatte…….The other is Lt. Gen. Shantha Kottegoda…." the Sunday Times said, "active consideration is now being given….." However, Military Spokesman Prasad Samarasinghe, grossly ignorant of this position has sought to claim this week that Gen. Daluwatte and Lt. Gen. Kottegoda were not involved "in the Sarath Fonseka probe." Surely, the Military Spokesman ought to have briefed himself to know they are "not involved" at this stage and what is happening right now is only that the Army Chief of Staff, Maj. Gen. Ratnayake is recording the 'summary of evidence'. Maj. Gen. Samarasinghe, a one time Defence Attache at the Sri Lanka High Commission in Britain, cannot be expected to know all media reportage. However, one would expect him to maintain credibility in the office he holds by making remarks that are factual and could be misleading or get caught to trick questions by spin-doctors. That is the best way for him to uphold the reputation of the military and win public confidence.
In constituting the General Court Martial (GCM), Army Commander Jagath Jayasuriya, the Sunday Times has learnt will appoint senior officers of the equivalent rank held by the accused or the nearest. Regulations require that officers so appointed should have held a commission for at least three years. "It is both tradition and convention that a senior officer is not tried by those at much junior levels," a retired Commander of the Army, Lt. Gen. Gerry de Silva told the Sunday Times. This is why an equivalent or near rank is sought.
According to authoritative sources, the inclusion of retired senior officer or officers holding the rank of a General or equivalent is still not ruled out. "It is still likely that one or two of them, after being recalled to service, could be named to the GCM," the source said. Also under consideration, (Military Spokesman, please note the words 'under consideration') the source revealed, was the possibility of granting temporary promotions to the rank of General to an officer or officers who are Major General.
Gen. Fonseka's woes, since his arrest on February 8, have begun to increase. One was the raid by the CID detectives on the vaults at a local bank in Thimbirigasyaya last Tuesday. It revealed local and foreign currency to the tune of more than Rs 75 million. That included US dollar bills amounting to 527,000.
CID detectives said Ashoka Tillekeratne had obtained four different vaults on January 28, just two days after the Presidential elections, She is the mother of Gen. (retd.) Fonseka's son-in-law, Danuna Tillekeratne. He is married to the retired General's elder daughter, Apsara.
Ms Tillekeratne had paid Rs 600,000 as deposit for the four vaults. Whilst two were in her name, two others have been in the names of relatives Sepali Chandrika Galhenage and Ishara Jayawardena. The two have told CID that though the vaults were in their names, Ms Tillekeratne kept the keys to their vaults and the money in them belonged to her. Ms Tillekeratne had in turn told detectives in her statement that Apsara, now in Oklahoma, USA, handed over the money to her.
The latter and her sister Aparna had been in Colombo and had worked at the Rajakeeya Mawatha office of Gen. Fonseka during the Presidential polls. Were the US dollars part of foreign funds donated for the election campaign? Who made such a donation and was the sum only a part of the find? These are among matters to which detectives are seeking answers.
On Friday, CID detectives said they inspected the accounts of Ms Tillekeratne in another local bank. There, they had found four million rupees. The account has been frozen, they said.
Ms Tillekeratne is said to run a hair-dressing saloon in a five star hotel in Mount Lavinia. Her husband had served in the Army until he had reached the age of 62. This is after opting for pay and pension upon retirement to serve as Civil Affairs Officer in Vavuniya. The latter years had been when Gen. Fonseka was the Commander of the Army. He was later employed by a private security agency. The discovery of the large sum of money prompted the CID to bring it to the notice of the Commission Investigating Allegations of Bribery or Corruption. The Commission is empowered to inquire into acquisition of assets. Of course, what action the Commission will take is another matter. It is still inquiring into a 2002 CID detection of Rs. 45 Million in Certificates of Deposit found in vaults of a private bank in the name of Gen. Anuruddha Ratwatte. Detectives say the Department of Inland Revenue will follow suit.
On Wednesday, CID detectives were to visit a foreign bank in Colombo. They found that Fonseka's son-in-law Danuna was operating three different current accounts. They found that he had a cash balance totalling Rs 12 million in them. The accounts have been frozen. Earlier, on Monday detectives visited the retired General's annex at Navy Headquarters to record a statement. This is with regard to the Hicorp inquiry where his family members are alleged to have amassed money. He is learnt to have taken up the position that though he chaired meetings of the Army Tender boards, he had only approved deals, which had been recommended by respective Technical Committees.
Though by no means a suggestion of guilt, it is relevant to note that then Lt. Gen. Fonseka, Commander of the Army, set a new precedent in the working of Tender Boards during his tenure. None of the previous Commanders of the Army chaired meetings of the Tender Board. It was left at one time in the hands of the Chief of Staff. Thereafter the task was delegated to the Deputy Chief of Staff.
The absence of Gen. (retd.) Fonseka's son-in-law, Danuna to face questions by the CID has set a new poser and raised questions whether he is a fugitive from the law. At the beginning, when disclosures were made, both Fonseka as well as his son-in-law had denied any wrongdoing. Fonseka even declared upon entry to politics in November, last year, that Danuna was not involved in any military deals.
He said he also had no link with a US registered company. CID detectives now say they have "irrefutable evidence" that Danuna had direct links to the US-based company. They say he is facing charges in a US Court after a complaint from a one time Sri Lankan, retired Captain Upul Ilangamage, for allegedly forging his signature for matters related to the company.
CID detectives said that Hicorp International (incorporated by Danuna Tillekeratne and Ruwinda Gunaratna) was registered in the City of Oklahoma, USA on November 10, 2005. There was also a local company. They had been involved in supplying military items. Detectives said they also used a front company - Australia based British Borneo Defence, to supply military goods. The Australian firm had issued a power of attorney to Hicorp (to deal with the Army on their behalf) for the period January 1, 2008 to December 31, 2010. Since there is a requirement that a company would have to complete three years in business before becoming a defence supplier in Sri Lanka, detectives allege that the date in the power of attorney had been changed to be valid from January 1, 2006. This is how the name of the Australian firm had been used to sell military items from other sources to the Army, according to CID detectives.
Thus, Hicorp had not only carried out business but also allegedly forged another document - a letter from British Borneo Defence in Australia that all proceeds received from military sales to the Sri Lanka Army be remitted to a bank account in Texas. Company officials in Australia have now denied giving such a letter. Thus, for purported purchases from the Australian firm, the Army had remitted funds to Texas. CID detectives say they found Danuna received "inside information" from the Army on impending urgent procurements and would contact suppliers ahead of all others. Some of the officers allegedly involved have been sent on compulsory leave. They say the suppliers in question used the name of the Australian firm in transaction documents.
It was Danuna Tillekeratne who had the sole authority to withdraw funds from the bank account in Texas. In reality, detectives allege, Hicorp fraudulently used the Australian firm as a front. "They neither supplied nor received funds. They have confirmed that to us," said a detective. The CID is now awaiting a response from the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in the US to legally confirm that funds did arrive in Texas. At the Colombo end, they nevertheless are in possession of evidence that the funds were remitted through local banks.
It is noteworthy that none of the members of the opposition coalition that supported Gen. Fonseka made any public statements on either the Hicorp affair or on the discovery of large sums of money in bank vaults and bank accounts. Not even the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) that had moved closely with him during the presidential polls and this week announced that Fonseka will lead its new alliance under a new symbol of the Trophy (resembling a Challenge Cup) has said a thing in defence of Fonseka's in-law.
Details unfolding in this regard from the ongoing investigations, no doubt, would be embarrassing to Gen. Fonseka. More so, with the impending campaign for the April 8 parliamentary elections where he is set to contest from the new alliance of the JVP from the Colombo District.
It is in this backdrop that United National Front (UNF) leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe despatched two of his stalwarts, Rauff Hakeem and Mangala Samaraweera, for a meeting with Anoma Fonseka on Monday. Through her, they were conducting a dialogue with her husband, Gen. Fonseka, now in Army custody. The two-man UNF team's task was to ascertain from the retired Army Commander what his stance was on the upcoming parliamentary elections. He was also invited to join the United National Party (UNP). That decision was conveyed to him by UNP Deputy Leader Karu Jayasuriya. This would effectively mean that the retired General had to accept the leadership of the UNF leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. Ms. Fonseka had not reverted on the matter, and now the JVP's announcement confirms the parting of the ways of the alliance that challenged the Presidency of Mahinda Rajapaksa only a month ago.
Some logistical details were also conveyed. That included the offer of a placement for Gen. Fonseka in the National List. There were also suggestions that Gen. Fonseka could contest on the Swan symbol in the Kalutara district where UNF members would follow suit. This seemed a last offer. However, the UNF was not in favour of the Swan symbol being used countrywide.
Anoma Fonseka had later explained that it was difficult to have a detailed discussion with her husband since military policemen were present. She had agreed to convey his response soon. However, that response never arrived. By then, UNF leaders learnt that unknown to them, Gen. Fonseka was continuing a dialogue with the JVP leadership. He had said that if he came forward under the Elephant symbol he could be accused of "doing a contract for the UNP". During his last discussion with Hakeem, Mano Ganeshan and Somawansa Amarasinghe, the night he was taken into Army custody, Fonseka had insisted that the Swan be the symbol and he be the Prime Ministerial candidate.
The UNP had insisted that this was its right to decide because it was the major party in the alliance that backed Fonseka at the Presidential Election. It argued that Fonseka had pledged to be a non-executive President and was now wanting executive powers of a Prime Minister who would be Head of Government should the opposition gain more seats in the April 8 General Election. The UNP in turn insisted that it should decide who would be the Prime Minister should it win, and who should be the Leader of the Opposition should it lose.
Of course, some JVP members made desperate behind-the-scene moves to persuade Wickremesinghe to head an alliance at the parliamentary elections. They agreed to accept his leadership and even back him as Prime Minister but insisted that all of them should contest under the Swan symbol. Wickremesinghe, who was under heavy pressure from his party stalwarts to retain the Elephant symbol, was in no mood to agree. They had taken up the position that they felt the Elephant would stand a better chance at the General Election, and that if they sacrificed the Elephant at the Presidential Election, the JVP and others also must make some sacrifices. Furthermore, the Elephant was becoming an endangered symbol in the political jungle and the UNP fast becoming just another political party in the country's political firmament.
This is despite some of those pressuring Wickremesinghe maintaining a close dialogue with government leaders. This lot even had the security that was withdrawn after they ceased to be MPs restored. That was Hobson's choice for Wickremesinghe. A UNF defeat at the parliamentary election may see the same members plotting to oust Wickremesinghe from leadership, once again.
Unable to win over the UNF, the JVP took its own initiative to form a new alliance, the Prajatantrawadi Jathika Sanvidanaya (Democratic People's Alliance). Retired General Sarath Fonseka will be the President and JVP's Vijitha Herath will be the Secretary. Interesting enough, the new alliance is the direct offshoot of National Alliance, a party that had remained with Tiran Alles over the years. In fact, it fielded Sanath Pinnaduwa as a candidate at the January 26 presidential elections under the double flag symbol.
In accordance with prevailing election laws, the National Alliance wrote to Elections Commissioner Dayananda Dissanayake, on Wednesday changing its name to Prajatantrawadi Jathika Sanvidanaya and its new symbol as the Trophy. The New Democratic Party which owns the Swan symbol had also refused to give the JVP led alliance the Swan symbol on the basis that it was part of the UNF.
The move has seen a parting of the ways between SLFP (Mahajana Wing) leader, Mangala Samaraweera and his close ally and SLFP (Mahajana Wing) office bearer, Tiran Alles, a friendship that went along way back when Samaraweera was Minister of Telecommunications and Alles was a dealer in mobile phones from which he became a multi-millionaire.
It has now come to light that all along Gen. (retd.) Fonseka had wanted to go along with the JVP -- with whom he moved closely during the presidential polls -- at the parliamentary elections too. This had transpired during a meeting SLFP (M) leader Samaraweera, had with the retired General in the afternoon of February 8, several hours before his arrest. Samaraweera had conveyed this to Wickremesinghe. Gen. Fonseka had also been closely associating with Alles during last month's Presidential Election campaign much to the chagrin of many UNP stalwarts who failed to gain access to their candidate.
Samaraweera told SLFP (M) members at a meeting this week that he had agreed to contest on the Elephant symbol but would remain a member of the United National Front (UNF). He said the leader, Wickremesinghe had assured that the UNF would be registered shortly as a political party. Sri Lanka Muslim Congress leader, Rauff Hakeem, has also expressed similar sentiments to his party members. Another constituent partner of the UNF, National Democratic Front (NDF) leader Mano Ganeshan has also agreed to the UNF symbol on the grounds that the coalition would be registered.
While these scenes were unfolding within the former opposition alliance, a team of lawyers from the UNP and the JVP were silently collating the evidence to challenge the re-election of President Rajapaksa on January 26. It was the UNP's team of lawyers, viz., Ronald Perera, A.P. Niles and Daya Pelpola who did most of the drafting. The JVP's lawyer was Sunil Watagala, a former provincial councillor. The final draft was vetted by Wijeyadasa Rajapaksa, PC and papers were filed by the UNP's instructing attorneys Asoka Samararatna Associates.
Papers filed this week in the Supreme Court call for nullity of the election and recount of the votes, but the thrust of their challenge seems to be on two separate statements made by the President and others saying that Gen. Fonseka had a 'secret agreement' with the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and the other being the statement made by some lawyers and by ex-MP Wimal Weerawansa and Broadcasting Corporation Chief Hudson Samarasinghe during the course of the voting period over state media that Fonseka's candidature was void because he was not a registered voter.
As agents of President Rajapaksa such misleading statements can disqualify their candidate they argue and cite several previous instances including the disqualification of Gamini Dissanayake as MP for Nuwara-Eliya in 1970 and Ananda Kularatne at the 1982 by-election when one of his agents, Basil Rajapaksa, who was then in the UNP had made an incorrect statement against Nirupama Rajapaksa.
In the meantime, ongoing CID investigations into the alleged attempt to overthrow the government, assassinate the President and the material that will unfold before the General Court Martial, has laid bare an important aspect. It has come to light during investigations that Gen. Fonseka had, built an intricate network of retired military officers and soldiers in almost all electorates for political activity in the weeks ahead of the presidential polls. His staff at the office in Rajakeeya Mawatha had been dealing directly with these retired military men instead of working through the machinery of the opposition parties at district and electoral level. UNF leaders are now incensed by the details that are slowly emerging.
The UNF expected Gen. Fonseka to integrate his network to the opposition political structure at the grassroots level. Instead, he was formulating an independent military network of his own with retired personnel. This had been on the advice of retired military officers who were functioning from his office. Thus, if he had won, UNF leaders now say, he would have expected the opposition parties to fall in line with his own network. Though late, some opposition members heave a sigh of relief that this did not happen.
It was an irony that the Government's position was also this; that Fonseka had a network of military personnel, past and present working for him to be the next Commander-in-Chief. Their investigations uncovered more than any individuals especially in the Army supporting their former Commander, groups of serving army officers, even units showing dissension to the Government. While politics in the Army was not something new, this mass-scale politicking purely because of the proximity of his candidacy to his posting as Army Commander was unprecedented.
They point out to soldiers at check-points who were told to vote for Fonseka and say there were three categories, i) those who were serving and openly backed Fonseka, ii) those who surreptitiously did so, and iii) those who were neutral despite pressure from the Fonseka camp.
The fact being that almost every Sri Lankan institution was politicised, and the military had also fallen to this bad practice. There were impressionable young men, some who had served less than two years in the Army, thousands of them in fact, who were getting imbibed with the thought that the military must play in the politics of the country. The Government itself had allowed the JVP entrée into the military apparatus at a time when it wanted to whip up nationalist fervour and whip up morale and recruitment to combat the LTTE.
In the wake of the Presidential Election, as Government leaders were pondering on what to do next with the ex-Army Commander cum Presidential candidate, the Defence Ministry delayed the initial thinking to arrest Fonseka immediately.
Government MPs were asking the President why he was not arresting Gen. Fonseka, and Gen. Fonseka in turn was saying "if I have done anything wrong, why are they not arresting me". The CID and the SIS were asked to collate the available evidence. This evidence was placed before Attorney General Mohan Peiris for a legal opinion. Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa had opined that it was probably politically bad for the Government to arrest Fonseka. He told the President that "Fonseka is a politically dead man, in no time the people will forget him". Strengthened by the legal opinion that there was a legal basis to go ahead, President Rajapaksa himself took the decision to do what was best for the well-being of the country, and that decision was to arrest Fonseka and weed out questionable elements from the armed forces and the police.
According to a highly placed Defence Ministry official, the Government opted to do it that way rather than unleash organised pro-Government mobs to a kind of 'people's arrest' of Fonseka. They say that the relative calm around the country after the elections was not because the people were shocked that Fonseka lost, but because the police and reliable army units were on the streets as a damper to public celebrations. In Colombo, the Defence Secretary's former regiment, Gajaba were on the streets. Fonseka may have misread this calmness, the official added.
Thus General Fonseka, like a pendulum, went from war hero to peace zero. He then swung from zero to political hero after his arrest by military policemen. Now, with new disclosures emerging from CID investigations and his tie-up with the JVP, where he would zero in at the parliamentary polls and thereafter remains the critical question.
The manner in which Fonseka was arrested however triggered off an avalanche of protest from many quarters, both local and foreign. The most significant were the statements by the Buddhist Maha Nayakas (Chief Prelates). They wanted to summon a Sangha Sammelanaya ( Congress of the Clergy) in Kandy for this week (Feb. 18) and expected hundreds of monks to attend the event where the underlining theme was call for the restoration of democracy in Sri Lanka - a direct message to President Rajapaksa.
Instead of making their case out to the Chief Prelates before the call went out, the Government got activated only post-facto, but before the Congress was held. This has now turned out to be another controversy.
UNF leader Ranil Wickremesinghe accused the Government of violating the Constitution by undermining the Mahanayakes. He said the Mahanayakes were told by junior monks in a three hour discussion that they would breakaway from the Malwatta and Asgiriya Chapters and engineer mass defections of monks to the Rohana Parshawaya, an unrecognised sect from the southern province. For good measure he said that the Chief Prelates were threatened.
In the Vinaya (Disciplinary) rules for monks (Mahavagga Pali), the Buddha refers schism in the Sangha (Sangha beda) as one of the 13 such rules. If any monk has committed a violation of any one of these 13 rules he must reveal it in front of the Sangha and undergo some purification.
Invitation letters sent out by the Chief Prelates to monks to attend the Sangha Sammelanaya were held up at the Kandy Post Office without delivery. Soldiers guarding the Chief Prelates were telephoning the Defence Ministry in Colombo and giving a ball-by-ball commentary on what was happening within those holy precincts. With every Sri Lanka institution politicised, and the Government trying to ensure the military was de-politicised, there will no doubt be questions as to how far the Buddha Sasana is being politicised as well. |
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