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Kill,
kill, kill: Battle for east hots up Ten days ago, 19 year old Sivanayagam Pushpakumar, was shot dead in a house he was living in Sevanapitiya, Kudapokuna in the Ampara district. A one time member of the LTTE, he had deserted ranks. He was hunted down. Twenty armed Tiger guerrilla cadres stormed the house of V. Jegan at Kannan Amman Kovil Road, Sandiveli in the Batticaloa district at midnight nine days ago. He was taken to the LTTE camp at Kihiliwatte and questioned about a stock of explosives reportedly brought into the area by members of the Karuna faction. He said he was assaulted. Later Jegan escaped and surrendered to the Army camp in Sittandy. On Wednesday, K.R. Ratnam, a Karuna loyalist was shot dead in his home at Sithankerni in Eravur. The next day Puwaalapillai Kaveendran also a Karuna loyalist was shot dead in Karapola (north of Manampitiya) in the Polonnaruwa district. On Friday, Balasingham Shashikumar alias Haran, said to be a member of the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP) was shot dead at Kaluthaveli, south of Batticaloa by armed gunmen who came on a motor cycle. Tiger guerrillas also kidnapped ten members said to be from the Karuna faction in the Ampara district on Wednesday. The next day they picked up another five. These killings and kidnappings are just part of a fierce campaign the LTTE has launched in the east to regain full military control and banish cadres loyal to Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan alias Karuna. Karuna beat a hasty retreat from the Batticaloa district in the wake of a deadly attack on troops loyal to him. It came on April 9 after Tiger leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, massed his cadres on the Verugal River, the boundary that divided Trincomalee and Batticaloa districts. (See map on this page). Whilst Sea Tigers made a sea borne landing on the coast between Verugal Bay and Kathiraveli, their colleagues crossed the river to mount simultaneous attacks. This
historic split in the LTTE came when there was no Government in
Sri Lanka. After the April 2 elections, behind the scene manoeuvres
were still under way to shore up a majority and formulate a Cabinet
for the United People's Progressive Alliance (UPFA). Hence there
was no functioning Defence Minister, a deputy or any session of
the National Security Council. However, in the weeks that followed, a Cabinet was formed though a Deputy Defence Minister (Ratnasiri Wickreman-ayake) was named much later. If the National Security Council met in the subsequent weeks to take stock of the security situation, it is now clear that the Karuna issue did not receive adequate attention. It became a glaring example of how important matters relating to national security are poorly, if not callously handled. The damage it caused was two fold: It led to widespread disappointment in the security establishment. Firstly, they felt the Karuna issue could have been handled to their advantage since Karuna and troops loyal to him represented the eastern sector of the LTTE, a very vital segment of the guerrilla military machine. The fact that it was not done has led to killings and abductions of his cadres, much the same way military intelligence informants and operatives were killed after the UNF Government bungled the Athurugiriya Safe House fiasco. In the eyes of the LTTE, continued denials about Karuna being afforded "protective custody" and related events thereafter completely eroded the UPFA Government's credibility. What the LTTE leadership in Kilinochchi heard from the UPFA leadership, their senior bureaucrats and through its highly efficient intelligence channels were contradictory. If there were denials from the former, proof to counter them came from the latter. Secondly, the resultant deep rooted distrust has become the major stumbling block to the resumption of peace talks. In other words, the UPFA Government lost the goodwill and support of the Karuna faction and incensed the LTTE leadership in Wanni. Both were lost. If the defence portfolio was taken over on the grounds that the country's national security was "fast deteriorating," the handling of the Karuna issue is clear testimony that no measures are in place to arrest such a disturbing trend. To the contrary, as repeatedly revealed in these columns, threat perceptions have continued to exacerbate whilst hopes for the resumption of peace talks have increasingly receded. Yet, the urgency of such a situation appears to have not dawned on those responsible for the defence establishment. Heightening this situation further was the July 25 killing of eight Karuna loyalists in Kottawa - an incident that occurred on the day Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister, Vidar Helgesen, arrived in Colombo. The story of the incident came to light only after the assassins, including two moles, returned to the east and radioed their handlers to confirm the mission was accomplished. What the moles disclosed was to infuriate the Wanni leadership further. Hence the Karuna issue became a central theme when Mr. Helgesen and party talked to LTTE Political Wing leader, S.P. Tamilselvan in Kilinochchi on July 26, just the day after the killings. Needless to say the contradictions in the position taken up by UPFA leaders, their bureaucrats and the "evidence" pieced together by the LTTE were placed before the Norwegian facilitators. It is now well known that Karuna and his close aides who fled to the City were later under the "protective custody" of the Army for at least 14 weeks. The fact that he was in such custody was revealed exclusively in The Sunday Times (Situation Report - June 27). Karuna and a few others have since left them for an unknown destination. This has put paid to efforts by some groups to persuade Karuna to register a new Tamil political party in the Batticaloa district. This group had even made available the required application forms for this purpose though some Karuna advisers held the view they may be disqualified by the Commissioner of Elections. Karuna's departure was much after claims by a Tamil National Alliance (TNA) MP that he was reportedly accompanied to Singapore by Minister Anura Bandaranaike. The MP made this claim in Parliament on the same day a leading Tamil daily printed an erroneous report. The Sunday Times learnt Karuna and his aides were equally amused at the claims which they read in the local newspapers whilst in Army custody. But when Karuna remained in "protective custody," his loyalists launched a bloody campaign in the Batticaloa district against guerrillas loyal to the Wanni leadership and their supporters. There was a string of killings and even kidnappings. The cycle seems to have now turned full circle. If the killing by the Karuna group of cadres loyal to the Wanni leadership caused concerns for the UPFA leadership and those in the defence establishment, the counter offensive by the Tiger guerrillas has failed to generate the same concern. This is not withstanding the fact that all these killings violate the Ceasefire Agreement. The banks of the Verugal River, south of Trincomalee, have once again become a hive of activity. Hundreds of guerrilla cadres, who have arrived from the Wanni, are crossing the river to move into Batticaloa and Ampara districts in a bid to strongly establish their control. That has seen an onslaught on Karuna loyalists, supporters and all other groups opposed to the LTTE. Activists of the EPDP and their supporters are being sought out after their leader, Cabinet Minister Douglas Devananda, publicly expressed support to Karuna and even spoke to him on the telephone during a news conference. Though he claimed Karuna was talking to him from a hideout in Batticaloa, The Sunday Times learnt from authoritative sources it was not so. He was somewhere near the City and was very much in "protective custody" when these conversations took place. These sources also said Mr Devananda had been in touch with Karuna on the telephone on several occasions. The latest Tiger guerrilla offensive came after warnings to Karuna loyalists to surrender themselves and the weapons they possessed. The response to the decree, however, was nil. The crack down that followed continues. It is not only the build up south of Trincomalee that has drawn the attention of the defence establishment. Last Wednesday President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga chaired a meeting of the National Security Council where matters relating to the latest LTTE build up outside the entrance to the Trincomalee harbour was discussed. The Sunday Times (Situation Report - July 25) revealed how since March, this year, advanced preparations by Tiger guerrillas around the entrance to the inner harbour had got under way. Bunkers have sprung up northwards of Sampur in the coastal stretch off the harbour entrance. An year ago, Tiger guerrillas had established a string of camps south of the harbour area with capability to direct artillery and mortars into the harbour area. In effect, they had developed a capability to immobilise the harbour within a matter of minutes. As The Sunday Times report revealed, along the coast between Sampur and Foul Point, near a bunker were two large unidentified boxes. A photograph shows an armed guerrilla hiding in a nearby thicket. A flash on the weapon indicated that he was armed with an unidentified telescope mounted weapon with an infra red designator. See picture on this page. Defence Secretary, Cyril Herath, was absent at the NSC meeting. He was in China to renew a defence deal (See box story on this page). Taking part in the NSC session were Deputy Defence Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, Public Security, Law and Order Ministry Secretary, Tilakaratne Ranaviraja, Lt. Gen. Shantha Kottegoda (Army), Vice Admiral Daya Sandagiri (Navy) Air Marshal Donald Perera (Air Force) and IGP Indra de Silva. The Sunday Times learns President Kumaratunga has directed that issues relating to threats posed to the Trincomalee Harbour should be raised by the Government at the highest levels. The Secretary General of the Peace Secretariat Jayantha Dhanapala is to be called upon to initiate action in this regard whilst action on several other related matters are also to be initiated by relevant authorities. The situation around the Trincomalee Harbour also appears to have drawn the attention of Colombo's diplomatic community as well as visiting military leaders. During his official engagements on a visit to Sri Lanka this week, Lt. Gen. Wallace C. Gregson, Commander of the United States Marine Corps (Pacific) remarked he would love to visit Trincomalee. "But I should not give a wrong impression by going there now," he told his military counterparts during informal talks. The LTTE's ongoing campaign in the east will no doubt continue until it establishes full military control. That will give the LTTE more muscle both militarily and politically. What of the UPFA whose sole priority now is to have the peace talks resumed at any cost. If it is to get its act together, as past events have shown, a strategy has become inevitable. That is not only to talk peace but also to ensure Sri Lanka's armed forces are in a state of preparedness to meet a contingency instead of allowing the situation to deteriorate further.
Govt. renews Chinese arms contract Defence Secretary, Cyril Herath signed the renewal agreement last Monday in Beijing with one of China's leading defence equipment manufacturer, China North Industries Corporation (NORINCO). The Army, Navy and Air Force have already drawn up their immediate equipment needs from NORINCO. At least a top officer from one of the services left for Beijing this week to finalise requirements for his organisation. The NORINCO Bonded Warehouse in the former fisheries harbour complex in the Galle Port holds a wide variety of arms and ammunition in addition to other equipment. They remain the property of the Chinese state organization. The Government of Sri Lanka is required to make payment and obtain their requirements. What is not available in the Warehouse is shipped to Colombo from China. During a near week long absence by Mr. Herath, Law and Order Ministry Secretary, Tilakaratne Ranaviraja, has been acting as Defence Secretary. In terms of the renewed agreement, NORINCO has contracted to sell requirements of Sri Lanka's Army, Navy, Air Force and Police. The Ministry of Defence of the Government of Sri Lanka is forbidden from obtaining from any other source the product range NORINCO has contracted to supply. They will be in a position to do so only after they obtain the written approval of NORINCO stating its inability to provide the equipment in question. NORINCO in turn has assured that security equipment provided by them would be brand new and made available directly from their manufacturing plants. Such equipment will also carry a certificate of origin which will bear the year of manufacture. The last occasion when the Bonded Warehouse Agreement - a Government to Government arrangement - was renewed was on May 22, 1998. On this occasion then Sri Lanka's Ambassador to China, Rodney Vandergert signed on behalf of the Government. However, Mr. Herath's visit for the renewal of the agreement underscores the significance UPFA Government attaches to new military hardware deals with China. China continues to remain Sri Lanka's number one supplier of military hardware during the near two decades of the separatist war. |
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