Amidst the brouhaha this week in Government decision-making, opposition leader Nimal Siripala de Silva came up with what seems a reasonable suggestion in this new age of governance, transparency and accountability. The former minister says the next parliamentary election in June should be conducted under a caretaker Government. Whether it was made in the context [...]

The Sunday Times Sri Lanka

Caretaker government during June poll

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Amidst the brouhaha this week in Government decision-making, opposition leader Nimal Siripala de Silva came up with what seems a reasonable suggestion in this new age of governance, transparency and accountability.

The former minister says the next parliamentary election in June should be conducted under a caretaker Government.

Whether it was made in the context of governance, to save his own skin (ironically … these former ministers who abused power at will are now talking of transparency!) or for some other reason known only to his good-self, the proposal must be taken seriously.

The Business Times in a recent editorial too broached the idea of a caretaker administration during a poll which would help the Elections Commissioner conduct a fair and free poll, a step that would be endorsed by the business community.

Having said that, is President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe falling into a trap of no return? Or are they well aware of their actions and disregard the consequences and their earlier pronouncements that there won’t be nepotism or cronyism in the regime?
There is an outcry over some appointments with questions being raised. “It is not the best practice. Nevertheless kith and kin could be permitted only if they are professionals and bring experience and maturity to such positions,” a political analyst said.

The regime may be comforted by the fact that these high positions mean nothing to the rural populace who turned their backs on Mahinda Rajapaksa for the first time in 10 years. But that doesn’t escape the reality that Sirisena’s victory was also largely due to the support of professionals, young people and rural youngsters for whom mobile technology helped decide against the vortex of corruption that the former regime was entrenched in.

Their views cannot be ignored like one 30 + professional who said on Thursday, “I voted for Sirisena for a change in the hope that corruption and nepotism would end. Now that the President has given his brother a top position, I am not so sure whether I made the right decision”.

The Central Bank position is still to be filled with Arjuna Mahendran as the Governor-designate while Nalaka Godahewa, the controversial chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission – whose friendship with powerful businessmen of the former regime go a long, long way – is defiantly refusing to resign despite a Government directive. However on Friday , he stepped down.

Another negative which goes against the grain of transparency and the proposed Right to Information Act, is a decision where public officials must get permission from the Ministry Secretary to speak to the media. Cabinet spokesman Rajitha Senaratne said this is a rule under the Establishment Code. Isn’t this what the people voted against … the culture where officials were barred from speaking to the media? The reason for this clampdown was due to the new Defence Secretary, rather than rejecting it, endorsing what his predecessor had said on the controversial Bank of Ceylon account. While the new official’s response suggests he may have not had a clear understanding on how government finances work, the Government – rather than considering this an isolated issue – panicked and put the brakes on free speech and the public’s inherent right to know.Is the honeymoon over? Are the bricks crumbling around the new regime – just two weeks old? Or are these still too early days and the public needs to be more patient before the goods are delivered?

Taking a holistic approach, one is inclined to give the benefit of the doubt to the new administration because of its progressive decisions on other public fronts that concern the people more than the appointment of heads of institutions, who anyway could be kept on a tight leash with accountability provisions whether it is a brother of the President or a close friend of the Prime Minister.

For example there is welcome relief from the reduction, as promised, of fuel prices and the expected reduction in the price of 10 essential commodities. On the corruption front, an anti-corruption commission has been appointed and complaints against high officials of the former administration including Rajapaksa and his family are flowing in. The passports of former Central Bank Governor Ajith Nivard Cabraal and former MP Sajin Vaas Gunawardene have been impounded and probes have begun vigorously against many former politicians. The investigation against the alleged coup by Rajapaksa to remain in power is actively under way.

What is missing however is action against former Treasury Secretary P.B. Jayasundera, who recently was seen having lunch at a restaurant in the complex of a state tourism agency on Tuesday, contrary to reports that he was abroad. His lunch-time buddies were a university economist and a state tourism official. Jayasundera,one of the most powerful officials in the past 10 years, had also visited his former Treasury office on Friday, January 16.

The roads are refreshingly free of siren-blaring conveys of politicians and their henchmen backed by gun-toting security guards wearing dark glasses to look menacing. Roads are being opened out in Fort and other security zones and hundreds of vehicles used by the Presidential unit and other favoured officials are being re-distributed to ministries and departments.

Respected retired officials have been appointed as presidential advisors, a good move as long as it doesn’t become a mechanism to reward supporters like what Rajapaksa did.

On a report card performance evaluation, the regime seems to be doing the right things with a few flaws particular in immature decision-making.
The 100-day programme leading to parliamentary elections will keep UNP and SLFP politicians in the cabinet on their toes. One wrong step and they risk being defeated under the first-past-the-post election process being contemplated.

A caretaker government with all-party representation or eminent civil society involvement will ensure free and fair polls, which this regime has promised. Even the JVP, showing signs of frustration at seemingly, slow action against the corrupt, is most likely to nod their heads in agreement.

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