A parallel is perhaps Aesop's fable of the race between the hare and the tortoise.
The speedy hare boasted about how fast he could run. The tortoise challenged it to a race. Half way when the hare fell asleep, the slow and steady tortoise won the race, goes the story.
Like all fables, history has shown that there is a good moral underlining them. Even in this era of advanced technology, the slow and steady win against the tardy and the tarnished. Politics in Sri Lanka, perhaps, reflects closely this parallel. One could liken the hare to the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP)-dominated UPFA. That would naturally make the main Opposition United National Party (UNP) the tortoise. That said one must hasten to add that the moral of this political story is different. The UPFA has not gone to sleep nor been overtaken by the UNP. That is still a fable.
If he were living today, that too in Sri Lanka, Aesop the Greek genre of fables, would have been put to shame too. One side would have called him a traitor whilst the other hailed him as a patriot. Those holding extreme political views would have accused him of injecting steroids to the tortoise to win the race. Yet others would have charged the tortoise, the winner, of fostering an international conspiracy. One's point of view is another's 'bull's eye' in a target board. Say it, and you, not your views that become the target. In essence, that is how much democracy has changed in Sri Lanka. One still has the right to say it. Having done that, they have to be prepared to earn dubious titles and other physical pressures in different forms.
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| United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon (R) meets with Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayake at the 64th General Assembly September 28 at the United Nations in New York. AFP |
This week, at least two of three political leaders, were consulting lawyers. A state run TV network ran their photographs and brazenly branded them as "traitors." Former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga wants to sue the network for one billion rupees. She is well-known for saying things and denying them later. However, in this instance, it is a different story. Nevertheless, at the helm of power, Kumaratunga, as we know, was no angel.
During her regime, the state-run media unabashedly castigated rivals including those in the media. She herself branded an editor as a "worm" but had little choice but to make good friends of him when out of power. So much so, a former aide remarked to a journalist this week, "it's a different sugared bun but the same flies continue to devour. The only difference - they have made it a finer art than before." Former Foreign Minister and SLFP (Mahajana Wing) leader Mangala Samaraweera, who was then the Media czar of Kumaratunga, is still in consultation with his lawyers and has not yet decided on the amount he will seek.
Additionally, he is also to sue a state-run radio network, which accused him of drug abuse - a charge by an acidic talk show host, which he says, is grossly malicious and totally unfounded. Though now in the Opposition, Samaraweera was Campaign Manager at the November 2005 presidential elections that saw Mahinda Rajapaksa win. Ironic enough, for Samaraweera, one of the media 'hit men' at the helm of a virulent campaign was his own protégé. When the UNP won the parliamentary elections in December 2001, he met then Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe, to appeal for the safety of the same person. He was under threat for targeting UNPers. Wickremesinghe, usually conscientious on such occasions immediately ordered the Police to protect him. Today, Samaraweera is at the receiving end of different forms of verbal assaults by his own creation. As for Wickremesinghe, he has chosen to take things in his stride.
The accusations against two of them, though not pointedly, came after Minister Dallas Allahapperuma declared at a news conference that two opposition politicians and two retired Sri Lankan diplomats were behind a conspiracy "for a regime change." He charged that they were being supported by western powers, which were urging a "war crimes" investigation against Sri Lanka. He was alluding to a report to be submitted by the US State Department to the US Congress. This was originally scheduled for last month, and has now been put off till the end of this month. The TV channel had added Kumaratunga also to the so-called conspiracy.
Unlike Aesop's tortoise, the UNP was not slow and steady in the past years. So much so, like the hare, it slept midway. The party has been tardy and enmeshed in internal rivalry that tarnished its reputation countrywide. Whilst one faction broke away and joined the Government, dissidents within maintained a private dialogue with ruling party leaders. They won favours but some were found out. In the recent weeks, winds of change have begun to blow.
Internecine rivalries have disappeared, at least on the surface. The UNPers are trying to project themselves as a unified entity. Most of the reasons are known though a few, which have come as fuel for a rocket engine, may remain a secret, sometimes forever. Main among the known is the impending presidential and parliamentary elections. It is widely believed that the presidential poll will take place in January or February followed by the parliamentary elections anytime after April next year. This is when the current term of parliament expires.
The UNP has concluded a deal with like-minded opposition parties to forge a common front. A constitution and a policy framework have been finalised. The signing of an agreement by the constituent partners now awaits the formal endorsement of the two documents by the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC)'s high command, its policy-making body. A date this month is to be decided upon thereafter.
The four main constituent partners of the common front are the UNP, Mangala Samaraweera's SLFP (Mahajana Wing), Rauff Hakeem's SLMC and Mano Ganeshan's Democratic People's Front (DPF) which was earlier known as the Western Province People's Alliance.
In terms of the proposed constitution that awaits ratification, 51 per cent of the stakeholder in the common front, which is to be identified by a formal name, will be with the UNP. One might compare it to a corporate body with the majority (controlling) shares with the UNP. The head of the front and the General Secretary will be from the UNP. The draft constitution has identified the major-policy making body of the front as a "Committee of Delegates." Its leader, Wickremesinghe, will be the chairman of the delegates. However, no change is being made in the title of General Secretary since he is the statutory authority who will deal with the Commissioner of Elections. Talks are under way with seven other parties including Sarath Manamendra's New Sihala Urumaya.
Whilst the elephant will become the common symbol of the party, it is learnt, that provision is being made in the draft constitution for constituent parties to contest under their own symbol. Among subjects that have formed the ten point policy framework are:
A pledge to abolish the Executive Presidency.
Adoption of a string of measures for the empowerment of Parliament.
Introduce constitutional provisions to restrict the number of Cabinet Ministers.
Amend laws relating to cross-over in Parliament.
Formulation of political proposals to address Tamil minority grievances.
The introduction of a Freedom of Information Act and other measures to ensure a free media devoid of Government interference or control.
Effective measures to restore law and order.
Health, education and other reforms.
Upon the formal signing of the constitution and the policy framework, the new front is to conduct a series of propaganda rallies countrywide.
This is in addition to holding small group meetings at grassroots level. The aim would be to educate the public on the various issues they face. This is no easy task for the opposition parties, which have so far failed to identify collectively, issues confronting the common man and woman. More so, with the UNP's failure, at least in the past, to seize on burning issues that affect the average Sri Lankan.
Though the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) will not be a constituent partner of the common front, some of the objectives in the policy framework, no doubt, will by supported by it. One in particular is the abolition of the Executive Presidency.
The JVP is indeed in a quandary, at the cross roads so to say. Recent provincial election results have been disastrous for it. The party has burnt its bridges with President Mahinda Rajapaksa and the ruling UPFA, which it spared no stone to bring into power and place. On the other hand, the JVP finds ideological differences too sharp to support the UNP or what might seem to be a right-of-centre common front. The policy framework of the common front has carefully avoided possible conflict zones with the JVP, but it would be too embarrassing for the JVP to seem to support the front nevertheless. The only option then is to go it alone, and the JVP knows that its fate is sealed if it does so, and the possibility that what happened to the traditional Marxist and Communist parties at the 1977 elections would easily happen to the JVP also.
For the Government, concerns abroad appear to preoccupy it more than domestic issues. One is the extension of the GSP Plus preferential terms for Sri Lanka's exports to the European Union. Last Monday, President Mahinda Rajapaksa declared that, "I am not willing to betray the country for US$ 150 million." He used a meeting of teachers, Ayurvedic physicians, Agrarian officers and JPs at his Tangalla residence in Medamulana to make the remarks underscoring his anger and frustration over the issue,
Rajapaksa said, "Whether we get the GSP Plus benefits or not, we will be dedicated to serve the people and protect local industry. Without betraying the country, we could get funds from different sources to protect the local industries."
He then pointed out how some had said Sri Lanka would not receive the IMF standby facility. "But, we managed to get it. In the same manner, we will receive an extension of the GSP Plus," he said.
Early in the week, his brother and Senior Presidential Advisor Basil Rajapaksa was in Brussels. Though his visit was to declare open an exhibition that highlighted the atrocities caused by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), he is learnt to have spoken with EU officials to address a number of issues raised in their report on Sri Lanka. On Wednesday, Sri Lanka's EU Ambassador Ravinatha Ariyasinha, had also attended a meeting at EU headquarters. Also present at this event were representatives of Tamil organisations in Europe.
EU officials, according to reports reaching Colombo, had raised two issues. One is over matters relating to the continuation of the GSP Plus scheme. Foreign Ministers of the EU are to deliberate on the 121-page report on Sri Lanka by a panel of experts later this month. They are to decide on the future course of GSP Plus. Such a decision will come up for endorsement at a meeting of EU leaders in December.
Ariyasinha is said to have told EU that the Government of Sri Lanka is not in favour of any further investigations. He had assured that the Government had already given effect to some of the issues raised in the report by the panel of experts.
Another subject matter of discussion had been the jailing for 20 years of journalist J.S. Tissainayagam. He had said that Tissainayagam had recourse to appeal and used the argument that if the judiciary ought to be independent how come people were asking the Executive to intervene in a judicial decision.
Events took a different turn on Friday. At the regular media briefing on defence related matters, spokesperson Minister Keheliya Rambukwella charged, "We can now see that some unseen western forces are at work with regard to GSP Plus.
We have identified them. We were granted the GSP Plus facility with various conditions. That is not a problem. But, if anyone wants to use the war situation as a new condition for the extension of the GSP Plus scheme, or tries to probe into that, we see it as harmful to our sovereignty. The war situation is not connected to the GSP Plus issue. We will answer to only queries that are connected to the conditions that were imposed earlier."
Rambukwella's statement gave more light to remarks made in Parliament on Thursday by Prof. G.L. Peiris, one of four ministers tasked to campaign for the extension of the GSP Plus. He re-iterated that the Government would not allow any investigation. If Rambukwella's assertions are to be taken seriously, there is a move afoot for a so-called 'war crimes' investigation to be tied together by "unseen western forces" as a pre-condition for the extension of the GSP Plus scheme. Naturally, no self-respecting government could agree to such an outrageous move.
However, the question is whether there is substantial proof for such an effort. If so, why is the Government not exposing it? Instead, it continues to embark on the popular sport of bashing the West. How does pouring scorn and making contradictory statements help Sri Lanka, except to rouse emotions locally? Paradoxical enough, this is while some senior Ministers continue to insist that the GSP Plus facility would be extended for one more year subject to a string of conditions.
Government leaders have taken great pains to address the issue of the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), one of the thorny issues related to the extension of the GSP Plus. The week saw some strong remarks by UN officials on the subject. Highlights of a statement issued by the UN in Colombo, where its media staff have been forced into stoic silence or resort to only 'inspired leaks' to their 'friendly media' are revealing. This is what it says:
"Restoration of freedom of movement for more than 250,000 internally displaced persons held in closed camps in Northern Sri Lanka is becoming a matter of urgency, and I remain very concerned about the very slow pace of releases," Walter Kaelin, the Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons, said at the end of a three-day return visit to Sri Lanka.
During his recent visit, Kaelin followed up on the discussions of B. Lynn Pascoe, Undersecretary-General for Political Affairs, with the Government of Sri Lanka to explore how the protection of the human rights of the displaced could be strengthened and the present delays in camp releases addressed.
"I continue to welcome the Government's stated intention that 70-80% of the displaced shall be allowed to return by the end of the year. In this regard, I was impressed by the Government's massive demining and reconstruction efforts that I witnessed in the Mannar rice bowl," he said.
"It is imperative to immediately take all measures necessary to decongest the overcrowded camps in Northern Sri Lanka with their difficult and risky living conditions. The IDPs should be allowed to leave these camps and return voluntarily and in freedom, safety and dignity to their homes. If this is not possible in the near future, the displaced must be allowed to stay with host families or in open transit sites," the representative said.
The representative, while appreciating that his interlocutors in the Government shared these goals, called upon the Government to translate its commitments into action without further delay. "Restoration of freedom of movement is important to gain the confidence of the Tamil community and enable the building of a sustainable peace" the Representative said. ….."
Equally significant is the meeting UN Secretary General Ban ki-Moon had with Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, when the latter attended the UN General Assembly sessions last week. Here are highlights of what the UN Chief's office said:
"The Secretary-General discussed with the Prime Minister and his delegation the three main areas of concern which were highlighted in the joint statement of May 23 at the conclusion of his visit. The discussion touched on the humanitarian situation and the treatment and resettlement of IDPs, political process and reconciliation, and accountability for alleged violations during the long ethnic war…..
"While the Secretary-General acknowledged the Government's efforts to address post-conflict challenges in Sri Lanka, he stressed in particular the need to resolve the problems hindering rapid resettlement, especially in view of the approaching monsoon. Referring to his various telephone conversations with President Rajapaksa and messages conveyed through visits of his senior officials, the Secretary-General reiterated that lack of freedom for IDPs and further suffering under harsh conditions in the camps could result in growing bitterness.
"It was noted that the recent incident between IDPs and the army in Menik Farm resulting in gunshot injuries of two children on September 26 was a sign of growing frustrations in the camps. The Prime Minister assured that the Sri Lankan Government was keen to implement its continued commitment to the pledges made in the Joint Statement, including through efforts to resettling all IDPs out of the camps by January. However, he emphasized that much international assistance was needed to facilitate these efforts, especially in the area of de-mining.
"The Secretary-General underlined the importance of winning the trust and confidence of the population in the North, especially those in the IDP camps, as failure to do so could undermine the prospects for reconciliation. The Prime Minister indicated efforts toward an inclusive political framework have been ongoing, including through close engagement with minority representatives such as the Tamil National Alliance and discussions being conducted by the All-Party Representatives Committee. The Secretary-General also stressed the need to expedite a serious, independent and impartial accountability process to look into alleged violation of international law during the conflict as a critical part of moving forward and building peace in Sri Lanka…….."
The new developments during the week show that the Government has a number of fronts in the international arena to contend. With a Foreign Ministry, which is both ineffective and often comical, the task is made worse. In the US, later this month, the Department of State will forward its report on so-called war crimes. In addition, this month, the EU Foreign Ministers will meet to examine whether the GSP Plus concession should be extended. The UN, as it has become increasingly clear, is mounting pressure for the re-settlement of the IDPs. India is set to send an all-party delegation to visit IDP camps.
The British Foreign Secretary, David Milliband and French Foreign Minister, Bernard Kouchner are due in Sri Lanka.
Locally, the UPFA is almost certain to win Saturday's elections to the Southern Provincial Council though what remains to be seen is whether it would be as overwhelming as in Uva. Nevertheless, if the proposed common alliance becomes active, the UPFA will have to go beyond just calling names to counter actions of the common front. This is because; the campaign is to be focussed on the people at grassroots level. Feeding them on the remarkable military victory against Tiger guerrillas probably cannot be sustained throughout.
Yet, the biggest question remains. That is, whether the UNP tortoise will continue to remain slow and steady or, like Aesop's hare, fall asleep midway. Time is running out for it, though.
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