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| CBK shoots down Rs. 20b. tank deal
It was a week where President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga had to talk both peace and war. That it came in the backdrop of rising fuel prices wreaking havoc on the country's economy and pushing living costs to unprecedented heights is all the more significant. On Monday she broadbased her UPFA Government's platform to talk peace with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). This was by establishing a National Advisory Council for Peace and Reconciliation (NACPR). They now have on board a wider section of civil society organisations. Yet, the United National Party, a major player, was conspicuous by their absence. President Kumaratunga used the highly publicised event to spell out her Government's formula for peace. "We require a commitment from the LTTE that the Interim Administration as well as the final solution would be based on the Oslo Declaration signed by the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE which declared that the Federal solution should be sought within the framework of a united Sri Lanka." Since the UPFA was voted to power in April, this year, this is the first time she has distinctly spelt out specific parameters to arrive at a settlement. Needless to say it contrasts with the LTTE's demand for talks first to "institutionalize" the Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA). This no doubt means the stalemated situation will continue. Not surprisingly, Norway's Deputy Foreign Minister, Vidar Helgesen, has delayed a planned visit to Colombo that was to begin this week. Thereafter, en route to Oslo, he was to make a stop over in New Delhi. Instead he will now arrive in the Indian capital on Monday to brief leaders there and return home thereafter. At least for the moment it seems there is no business to be done on the peace process. But the focus for Norwegian facilitators still remains the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA). They want to ensure it holds despite the mounting incidents of violence. On Monday, during a meeting in Geneva, Mr. Helgesen told LTTE Political Wing leader, S.P. Thamilselvan, Oslo's concern over continuing breaches of the CFA and the negative implications for the peace process. Mr Helgesen's partner in peace making efforts, Special Advisor Erik Solheim meanwhile is on a tour of the United States and Canada. This is to brief the two Governments on the latest developments concerning Norway's peace initiatives. He is due in Sri Lanka in early November. By then, the Norwegian Government would have updated itself on the latest view points of key foreign stakeholders in the peace process like the United States, Canada, India and many others. A new thrust to break the deadlock between the protagonists will therefore come in this backdrop. Such a move gains added significance in view of an important event in the LTTE calendar in late November - the "Maveerar" or Great Heroes week. The week culminates with the annual address by Tiger leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran who turns 50 on November 26 this year. The event is most sought after for he spells out policy objectives. Though President Kumaratunga referred, in the official text of her speech, to "the Oslo Declaration signed by the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE which declared a Federal solution should be sought….." it is in effect a not a formal declaration. It is officially titled as a "Statement of the Royal Norwegian Government" and was issued on December 5, 2002, at the end of the third round of peace talks in Oslo. Though no minutes of deliberations during the peace talks have been maintained, it was the practice for both the Government and the LTTE to endorse the decisions reached. Based on it, official statements were issued by the Norwegian Government. Signatories to the decisions made in Oslo were Chief Negotiator for then UNF Government, Prof. G.L. Peiris and his LTTE counterpart, Anton Balasingham. Together they agreed to "explore a political solution founded on internal self-determination based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka." The relevant part of the Norwegian statement says: "Responding to a proposal by the leadership of the LTTE, the parties agreed to explore a solution founded on the principle of internal self-determination in areas of historical habitation of the Tamil-speaking peoples, based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka. The parties acknowledged that the solution has to be acceptable to all communities." The current stalemate, no doubt, is most frustrating to the Norwegian facilitators. It comes at a time when other nordic countries like Finland, that has offered ceasefire monitors to Sri Lanka, want to play an increased role. Last week I joined a group of journalists from Sri Lanka, India and Pakistan on a tour of Finland that showcased their interest. The centre piece was an hour long flight, under zero visibility conditions in a propeller driven aircraft, to Mariehamn, the capital of Aland Islands. Wedged between Finland and Sweden, it is located in the Baltic Sea. An LTTE delegation led by S.P. Thamilselvan had followed our trail much earlier to learn about autonomy there. A demilitarized zone by international treaty, the island's international position and autonomy were confirmed in the Aland Self Government Act of 1920s. This enshrines the linguistic and cultural rights of Aland's Swedish speaking population. The central government is represented by Governor appointed by the President of Finland. The day to day business of government in the islands is handled by a Provincial Assembly, elected by popular vote. Residents of Finland are not entitled to own land in Aland. The islanders are exempted from compulsory military service, instead of which they may opt to serve in the lighthouse and pilot service run by the provincial government. Right of domicile is a requirement not only to vote or stand for election but also own property and conduct business. Immigrants would have to complete five years and possess adequate knowledge of Swedish, to seek domicile status. Swedish is the official language in the islands. It was once under the Swedish kingdom. The return journey, at a time when temperatures were hitting low as summer gave way to autumn, was less tense. It was a ten and half hour voyage by a luxury ferry from Stockholm (Swedish capital) that stops in Mariehamn en route to Helsinki. It was virtually a floating city with its duty free shopping malls, restaurants and entertainment centres. Many had driven in to the lower deck with their cars to occupy cabins on the upper decks. In Colombo, barely 24 hours after ensuring the setting up of the NACPR, President Kumaratunga had another important task - preside at a meeting of the National Security Council (NSC). Tuesday's sessions was of particular importance since Army Commander, Lt. Gen. Shantha Kottegoda and his senior officers were telling her what they need to keep their institution in a higher level of battle preparedness. There was an extended presence at the NSC last Tuesday. The regular attendees included Foreign Minister, Lakshman Kadirgamar, Defence Secretary Cyril Herath, Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) and Commander of the Navy, Vice Admiral Daya Sandagiri and Commander of the Air Force, Air Marshal Donald Perera. In addition, Treasury Secretary Dr. P.B. Jayasundera was on hand. A moment of shock or bewilderment came when the NSC was told that the Army needed 98 Main Battle Tanks (MBTs). That is besides a catalogue of other items that may run into millions or billions of rupees. These requirements surfaced during a presentation by Major General Sisira Wijesuriya, Director General - General Staff (DGGS) of the Army. He prefaced his remarks by raising doubts whether the Government will be able to provide the financial requirements for these 98 MBTs, to be obtained over a period of five years. That would not only supplement the Army's existing fleet of MBTs but would help raise a fully fledged armoured brigade. At present the Army's inventory comprises Czech built T 72 and Chinese built T 55 tanks. Needless to say many at the NSC were stunned. President Kumaratunga wanted to know whether these MBTs could be used in Sri Lankan terrain. This is a question she had raised even years earlier when Army top brass then wanted MBTs in the push to re-take Jaffna. There the town and the immediate suburbs are highly built up areas and tank manoeuvrability was restricted. "What is the requirement," asked Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar. Neither the Navy nor the Air Force has made such costly requests, declared Treasury Secretary Dr. Jayasundera. Major General Wijesuriya's presentation that Tuesday was one of two on behalf of the Army. The other was by Maj. Gen. Basil Peiris, Director of Budget in the Army. He noted that 70 per cent of the financial resources for the Army went to pay salaries and allowances. A further 15 per cent went for rations leaving behind only a paltry 15 per cent for other requirements. President Kumaratunga, conscious of the grave economic situation facing the country, noted that the Government could not meet all such demands. She asked the Army to re-think and make a revised presentation. The fact that a demand for 98 Main Battle Tanks had been made, that too 31 months after a ceasefire, seemed too much for those at the highest levels of the UPFA Government. At least one top runger declared somewhat jocularly that "they (the Army) could invade Iraq with that amount of tanks" The prominent personality said for that money, every needy Sri Lankan citizen could be given a free kilo of rice and dhal per week and there would still be more funds left. That is at a time when the cost of living is soaring. The Sunday Times learnt that the Army proposed to procure more Czech built T-72 Main Battle Tanks. Each is estimated to cost more than Rs 100 million and therefore the price for 98 MBTs would be a staggering near twenty billion rupees. Since the proposal is to purchase the 98 MBTs during a phased out period of five years, an average requirement would amount to at least 19 tanks a year. Hence the annual financial requirement would total a staggering Rs 1.9 billion. One of the issues repeatedly highlighted in these columns was the inability of the UPFA Government to ensure the battle preparedness of the Army, Navy and the Air Force. This was during the past eleven months since President Kumaratunga took over the portfolios of defence (together with two others) on the grounds that national security is deteriorating. No doubt preparedness is a sine qua non for the security forces of any country, particularly those forced to meet internal threats. In the Sri Lankan case, it is more so since a ceasefire does not mean a peace settlement has been reached. However, such preparedness would have to be within available financial resources and bearing in mind the economic constraints the country has been forced to undergo. One is reminded of the adage of cutting one's suit (or uniform) according to the cloth. In this instance, the question is not so much as why the Government asked the Army to re think its demands that came at a most difficult time. It is one of why the Army thought it fit to try to place such a colossal financial burden on the Government. More so when there are many cost effective measures which could easily achieve the same objectives, at least for the moment. One such "top secret" measure is now in the public domain and therefore the correct facts can be revealed. Contrary to reports, the Army's Long Range Reconnaisance patrols have not been disbanded. Some two months ago, Army Commander Lt. Gen. Kottegoda relieved Major General Gamini Hettiaratchi, a highly respected officer with a proven track record, from training any more groups of Long Range Reconnaisance Patrols (LRRP). Painstakingly he had raised more than 35 such units in the recent past after putting the men through very rigorous training. The hand picked men were from the Army's Commando Brigade and Special Forces Brigade. Whether Lt. Gen. Kottegoda took the decision to stop LRRP training on orders from above or on his own is not clear. Those under training were consequently asked to revert back to their respective units. It is no secret that LRRP teams from the Commando Brigade and Special Forces Brigade carried out some highly successful attacks in the Wanni before the ceasefire. It is one of their units that were responsible for attacks on some top targets including Kangai Amaran, second in command of Sea Tigers and Shankar, a one time bodyguard of LTTE leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran and later LTTE’s head of the Air Wing. The late Shanker was a one time technician in Air Canada. A more strengthened Sea Tigers is now under the overall charge of Special Commander, Soosai. He is known to be a close confidante of Mr. Prabhakaran and has seen through the expansion of the sea going arm of the LTTE. He continues to play an active role. Similarly, the Army's Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) also operated its own LRRP teams in the east. They were assisted by the Police Special Task Force. Their activities, however, were betrayed after the now infamous Police raid on their Safe House at Athurugiriya. This was with the support of some politicians from the former UNF Government. This led to a spate of killings of Army informants and intelligence operatives. The LRRP operations, both in the Wanni and in the East, were cause for serious concern for the LTTE. So much so, it prompted a re-deployment of its cadres and the heightening of intelligence activity in every village to identify LRRP teams. So much so, the LTTE sought and ensured a provision in the Ceasefire Agreement about LRRP activity. This is reflected in article 1.2 which deals with Military Operations. It prohibits the security forces and Tiger guerrillas from engaging in any offensive military operations. The relevant paragraph (1.2 a) calls for total cessation, among others, of : "The firing of direct or indirect weapons, armed raids, ambushes, assassinations, abduction and activities by deep penetration units" After the ceasefire, during peace talks between the former UNF Government and the LTTE, the role of LRRP operations had been raised on many an occasion, a move that clearly underscored Tiger guerrilla concerns. However, this did not deter President Kumaratunga from endorsing the continued training of LRRP groups. In view of the expanding number of such LRRP groups, The Sunday Times learnt, she approved the appointment of a Cabinet Appointed Tender Board to examine the procurement of sophisticated equipment from a western country. It was approved. Now that the training has been called off, it is not clear where the equipment will go. Training of battalions to be in full battle preparedness during the ceasefire period was somewhat impeded by operational commitments. As a result only a few battalions ended up at the Army training centres at Minneriya and Maduru Oya. One battle hardened senior officer, also with a proven track record, who saw through this shortcoming when he was serving as Security Forces Commander, Jaffna, was Major General Sarath Fonseka. During his tenure there, he personally supervised training programmes in the peninsula. However, he was forced to curb his activities since he was moved as Commandant of the Volunteer Force Headquarters. He is now Deputy Chief of Staff and is one among many officers who will be forced to retire by early next year. This is in view of a policy decision that two annual extensions are granted to those in the rank of Majors General. Maj. Gen. Fonseka is now on his third extension that ends in April, next year. However, he is billed to be the next Chief of Staff of the Army, in December this year. This is consequent to the planned retirement of the present incumbent, Maj. Gen. Chula Seneviratne. The demands made by the Army, which entail a colossal investment of money, is clear proof that even eleven months after President Kumaratunga took over the defence portfolio, no proper appraisals have been made for the future. If one was logically done, it would have been possible to ascertain whether loads of equipment, which were not needed at the height of the separatist war, is necessary now. This is more so since the numbers in the Army are gradually dwindling. Firstly, deserters are now being given the option to opt out. They are no longer being rounded up to ensure strength is maintained. Secondly, the best elements have been put together in a battalion and sent to keep the peace in Haiti. Similarly, some of the best remaining is now being grouped together for training to go on United Nations peace keeping assignments abroad. All these make clear a fuller strategic re-think is essential. Of course that requires expertise at the Ministry of Defence. The fact that it is absent and has contributed to the present mess is to put it very mildly. If that is not done, things will continue to drift much the same way it has since the ceasefire. Until then it will be important for military top brass to look beyond the glitter of ceremonials and glory to understand the travails of the citizens of this country they are dedicated to protect.
Made in Lanka runway at Palaly Earlier, there were offers both from the United States and India to rehabilitate the runway and related facilities. However, such assistance, The Sunday Times learnt, was on the basis that the use of the runway should be exclusively by the Sri Lankan authorities and the donor country. In terms of a Government decision reached this week, the Central Engineering Consultancy Bureau (CECB) will carry out the consultancy and construction work of the runway. The cost of Rs 360 million, which is exclusive of Value Added Tax, will be met from funds to be provided by the Treasury. The Sri Lanka Air Force will incur the expenditure for transport of men, materials and machinery from Colombo to Palaly air base. Similarly upon completion, they will also spend for their return to Colombo. Construction work is to commence in six months. The Government has given the CECB a construction period of one year to complete the project. For the time being, the construction of drains that is to cost Rs 51 million has been suspended. This is to be undertaken at a later stage when funds are available. The Government has decided to utilize the abandoned Cement Corporation complex in Kankesanthurai for extraction of limestone for the project. A team of CECB Engineers and Air Force civil engineers will carry out the management aspects of the project. The runway of the Palaly airfield is 2300 metres long and 75 metres wide. Initial damage was caused in 1987 during the period of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in Sri Lanka. This was after they began using one of the biggest aircrafts in the world, the Ilyushin 76 transport planes. A team of experts from the CECB examined the methods of construction of the runway and forwarded three different sets of proposals. From this, Air Force Commander Air Marshal Donald Perera said the best would be the correction of the underlying layer of the runway and placing asphalt over it. President Kumaratunga recommended this to the Cabinet. Air Marshal Perera has complained to the Government regularly about the state of the runway. This is because of the SLAF being compelled to "ground" aircraft due to safety hazards caused by the damaged runway. |
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