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‘some-party’ confab This time, it was the UNP's turn at boycotting, but if President Chandrika Kumaratunga rather condescendingly referred to all this in one sweeping remark as the 'Sinhala political drama' of the past 50 years, this time the TNA and the Muslim Congress joined in the drama. In a desperate bid to have a national veneer to the proceedings, some NGOs were invited to the sessions presided over by President Kumaratunga. The like-minded National Peace Council (Jehan Perera), the Centre for Policy Alternatives (K. Logeswaran), and the International Centre for Ethnic Studies (Radhika Coomaraswamy), Muslim Research & Action Forum (Jezima Ismail), the Gandhian lookalikes Sarvodaya, the intellectuals of the Marga Institute (Godfrey Goonetilleke), Colombo's business magnates Harry Jayawardene, Richard Juriansz and Tilak de Soyza, the President of the Bar Association and some Catholic priests from Kandy and Batticaloa. But those specifically not invited were the likes of the Buddhist National Joint Committee - the Federation of some 47 separate organizations that represent the majority Sinhala-Buddhists. President Kumaratunga said that the NACPR was to move parallel with the Government; it was to be the forum for public debate and discussion on the issues relating to the future of the country vis-a-viz the north and east problem. Not for the National Joint Committee this public forum. What then was the earthly point in such a process, if, straightaway, the UPFA Government is side-lining a substantially representative group? The only representatives present at Monday's NACPR meeting who identify themselves with the majority Sinhala-Buddhists was the JVP. Its propaganda secretary Wimal Weerawansa, however, struck a conciliatory note at the meeting saying they were for peace, for discussions and for negotiations with the LTTE. Unfortunately, for the Sinhala-Buddhists, on whose votes the JVP rode to such heights, Wimal Weerawansa was unable to speak on their behalf at the forum where the JVP seemed to be the sole representatives of the Sinhala-Buddhists of this country. Weerawansa hardly mentioned the LTTE by name. He would only call 'one group'. Frankly, it was a guarded speech, almost as if he did not want to de-rail the proceedings and earn the wrath of those present, which considering the congregation, were pacifists - to the hilt. This was in contrast not to the Weerawansa we heard before the meeting - warning the President that the day she began negotiations on ISGA was the day the JVP would walk out of the UPFA Government etc. On this day, alas, ISGA has escaped Weerawansa's attention. But two days later, on ITN's political chat show, Weerawansa was Weerawansa once again. Not quite saying that the JVP will walk out of the Government if negotiations begin on ISGA, but using harsh words, especially on the UNP, and even saying things like how the people were kept in the dark on negotiations during the days of the UNP, which only listened to what "Solheim" (Eric Solheim, the Norwegian diplomat) or the "drunk (dope -eka) Balasingham" had to say. In contrast to Weerawansa, EPDP leader Douglas Devananda had no qualms in talking directly about the LTTE. In fact, Devananda even addressed an appeal to LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran directly, urging him to grab this opportunity and to enter into negotiations - "if you really have the interest of the Tamil people at heart". He challenged the LTTE's claim to be the "sole representatives" of the Tamil-speaking people, saying the EPDP was also representatives of the Tamil-speaking people. President Kumaratunga said she is prepared to negotiate with the LTTE based on the Oslo Declaration, which was agreed to by the 'treacherous' UNP. She made just one reference to ISGA, the LTTE's proposal for self-rule. "The Government's position has been that we accept the concept of setting up an Interim Administration in the interim period, whilst a permanent solution is negotiated and implemented,"she said. This stance is in confluence and perfect harmony with that of her main political rival, the UNP which she and her coalition accused, ad nauseum, of selling the country to the LTTE. Now, instead of selling, she seems to have bought the UNP line. She repeated her desire to stick to the Oslo Declaration that a "Federal solution should be sought within the framework of a united Sri Lanka". The UNP, however, too has been dropping the Federal solution now as if it is a foregone conclusion to a final settlement. In the process, she has also made the distinction between a unitary state and a united Sri Lanka, saying that Sri Lanka will henceforth be a united country, not a unitary country. Within a few days of the NACPR meeting, the UNP's mouth-piece, Prof. G.L. Peiris supported the President's position that the country must work towards a Federal solution and within a united Sri Lanka, in accordance with the Oslo Declaration. He was only parroting what he has said before. But the UNP has come under quite a lot of criticism for this position. Its front-line speakers keep saying this. Former Lands Minister Rajitha Senaratne speaks for the UNP often saying that the party will support President Kumaratunga in finding a solution on these lines. He never forgets to strike a personal note by saying that it has been his political philosophy since the days he worked with Vijaya and Chandrika Kumaratunga. UNP speakers on political chat-shows strain to take a similar line, saying the UNP is for starting talks on the lines of the Oslo Declaration. And mind you, what the Oslo Declaration says is "parties have decided to explore a political solution founded on internal self-determination based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka". By accepting the provisions of the Oslo Declaration it is interesting to note that President Kumaratunga is also accepting the principle of "internal self-determination", and even if she does, whether the JVP also subscribes to this viewpoint. The fact that the UNP's position is that it is for discussions based on ISGA together with its proposals which it forwarded in November last year has been lost in the verbose line of the Peiris-Senaratne axis, a line that the JVP exploited (and keeps exploiting) so much so that in strongly Sinhala-Buddhist constituencies like Kesbewa and Maharagama in the Greater Colombo area, the UNP came third at the April elections - behind the UPFA and the JHU. The UNP's re-induction of Sinhala nationalist leader Tilak Karunaratne back into its fold as organiser for Bandaragama, and Ranil Wickremesinghe's articles in the 'Irida Divaina' on the subject of Politics and the Dhamma are indications that the UNP is mindful that it has alienated itself from the majority Sinhala-Buddhists of this country, and needs to win back its votes if it is to make headway. The UNP's fraternal partner in the UK - the Conservative Party -- last week came a record fourth at a by-election, and their Republican buddies in the US are not having it easy. They migh need to re-consider these strategic-alliances and stick to some home-grown political support for a change. Sections of the party which probably do not subscribe to this line, have opted to remain silent. But with the leadership of the PA and the UNP now peddling the Federal solution within a united Sri Lanka line, it almost seems that the LTTE's constant upping the ante has made at least a Federal solution, once upon a time anathema to the majority Sinhala-Buddhists of this country, a virtual fait-accompli now. It is, therefore, not insignificant that the JVP was mute on the twin Presidential references to a Federal solution within a united Sri Lanka. The JVP has been shifting its stance from the day it took office in April this year. What is most worrisome is when its says that it will not be in office one day more than it should, that it will quit if it cannot deliver the goods, and such rhetoric that has been the theme song of governments in office. It was only last week that one of President Kumaratunga's staunchest legal advisers, H.L. de Silva, slammed the very thought of starting negotiations with the LTTE based on its ISGA proposals. He compared the suggestion to negotiating on what should be the epitaph to be written on the tomb-stone of the Republic of Sri Lanka. This is probably why President Kumaratunga was desperately looking for someone else of equal standing to echo her sentiments for discussions "on the concept of setting up an Interim Administration in the interim period" (her words on Monday ). She found that person in Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar. Having sent an S.O.S. to him to return pronto to Colombo, an Air Force helicopter was kept at his disposal at the Bandaranaike International Airport to ferry him direct to Colombo on touch-down after his return from New York. President Kumaratunga and Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse had already spoken, when she ordered that a chair be brought for the dashing Kadirgamar to be seated by her side for Monday's meeting. Kadirgamar, who voiced similar sentiments to that of H.L. de Silva in November last year referring to ISGA as a blue-print for a separate state, was in a more conciliatory note by now. He spoke of the inquiries being made about the JVP, and how radical it was, and how he said they were good guys. His words were a cause for discomfort to some UNP top brass. One of them chuckled he was now the cat's paw for the JVP. Then, he went on to argue the need for peace and reconciliation, and the need to find a negotiated settlement with the LTTE. The state run media is under strict orders to play up the NACPR inaugural sessions and follow up with talks shows to generate greater public interest. It is in this backdrop that Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe undertakes an official visit to India today. New Delhi has laid down the red carpet for him. Meetings have been scheduled with all the high and mighty including President Abdul Kalam, Prime Minister Manmonhan Singh, Congress leader Sonia Gandhi and Opposition leader Atal Behari Vajpayee. Premier Singh is also throwing a lunch for him. President Kumaratunga herself is billed to visit India next month as one of two visits already planned. The other is a proposed trip to Iran where dates are yet to be finalised. Coinciding with Wickremesinghe's visit to New Delhi is one by Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister, Vidar Helgesen. He is in New Delhi tomorrow for a three-day visit to brief Indian leaders on latest developments concerning the peace process in Sri Lanka. Therefore, the Indian leaders will be up-to-date when they talk to Wickemesinghe about the peace initiatives. The ground for such talks has been laid during a string of consultations with Indian Government's national security advisor and former High Commissioner in Sri Lanka, Jyotindra Nath Dixit. All in all, the ongoing peace process, it is now clear, will remain in limbo for many weeks. At least until the next breakthrough which can only come when one side or the other is willing to change its negotiating positions. Until then, the UPFA will have another major issue to tackle - the worsening economic crisis caused by fuel price hikes and the sky rocketing of food prices. |
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