Untitled Document

Editorial

Lessons from the Wanni
At the end of a three part series inside insurgent controlled territory in the Wanni, our Defence correspondent Iqbal Athas gives a fair indication of the modus operandi of the LTTE. The Tigers are now firmly ensconced in their lair, but in this period in which a Memorandum of Understanding is in force between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan government, the LTTE seems intent on becoming the dominant force in the North and the East. Perhaps, government officials should study this three part series to ascertain what exactly goes on in the two provinces. From Political wing leader Tamilchelvan's assertion that the LTTE can acquire weapons and men if it wants to, to the documentation of the way in which the LTTE is seeking to expand its police force, it is clear that the Tigers are determined to exploit this so called MoU to the hilt. The main thrust of the LTTE's current strategy while the MoU is in force is to expand its civilian administration to cover the entire North and the East. This administration which seems to have taken root in the Wanni after the LTTE forces were thrown out of the Jaffna peninsula, is the core of the LTTE's quest for legitimacy. The civilian administration including a police force, and economic development unit that includes banks etc, is the LTTE's vehicle to recognition and nationhood - the approach road to Eelam without expending another bullet. This civilian administration which germinated into the Wanni is now being transplanted in the North and the East, with the aid of openings afforded by the MoU.

The government on the one hand has made several concessions and retracted its position on key issues with a view to accommodating the LTTE and coaxing the organization into participating in talks. But, the LTTE has not just been elusive, but also stubborn in its resistance of any such moves.

The government has now allowed LTTE offices in the islets of Jaffna, and as our Defence Correspondent says, there are moves to establish LTTE police stations in Trincomalee, Batticaloa and other key locations in the North and the East. Consequent to the so called one day hartal in Jaffna, a hartal which no doubt became possible after the infiltration of political activists to the peninsula on the terms of the MoU, the government has had to relax the gazette notification against fishing restrictions. The government is using a lot of carrot and no stick with the LTTE in attempting to get it to talk, but the LTTE is nonchalant about the whole situation, and it is now almost definite that there will be no talks in June.

The UNF government has been exultant about the fact that the so called "international community'' is behind these talks. If that were the case, the natural order of things should be that the international community of nations would coerce the LTTE to the negotiating table. But, the international community has neither been able to do anything of the sort - nor does the international community seem to be interested.

It is in this light that the government's claim that the international community is solidly on its side needs to be questioned. The international support that the government holds out as the final prop seems in fact to be limited to pledges of support and limited military assistance in beefing up the Armed Forces. Surely a little arm-twisting together with some gentle persuasion is not out-of-place to bring the LTTE to the negotiating table.

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