Columns

• Auditor General’s Department without a head; ruling party moves to gain majority support in
  CC after President’s nominations for AG repeatedly rejected
• RTI Commission’s work hampered due to lack of funds and personnel; BASL writes to President demanding action
• Opposition calls for parliamentary probe into Govt.’s alleged failure to heed early warnings of cyclone;
  SJB’s Harsha says Rebuilding Sri Lanka fund should get parliament’s approval
•  SLFP crisis deepens as De Silva faction takes over party amid legal wrangles; major setback for Jayasekera faction
• SJB-UNP unity talks make little progress; Ranil agrees to step down after young UNPers urge him to do so;
  but whether he meant it is the question

By our Political Desk

The National People’s Power (NPP) government led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is now beyond the period where it can any longer blame ‘teething problems’ for its missteps in governance.

One year into office, there are questions if the NPP is genuinely committed to accountability and transparency as it claims to be. The ongoing debate over the appointment of a new Auditor General is a case in point. The post has been vacant since April 2025 after former Auditor General W.P.C. Wickramaratne retired. Instead of naming the next most senior officer, Dharmapala Gammanpila, as his successor, he was appointed as the Acting AG for three months initially and then given another three-month extension with the approval of the Constitutional Council (CC). This is when Gammanpila is the senior most officer in the department and has another four and a half years in service before retirement.

President Dissanayake addressing Parliament on Friday

In between, the President sent the names of two of his nominees to the CC, both from outside the Sri Lanka Audit Service, for confirmation for the post of AG, but those too have been rejected. The President forwarded the name of Senior Deputy Auditor General L.S.I. Jayaratne to serve as Acting AG for three months after Gammanpila’s second three-month extension ended, but that too was rejected by the CC. Hence, the Auditor General’s Department—since December 6—is without an AG or even an acting AG. (See page 1)

Trade unions affiliated with the Auditor General’s Department vehemently oppose the appointment of persons from outside the service, stating that there are qualified persons within the Audit Service to take up the post and there is no precedent of ‘outsiders’ being appointed to the closed service. They have warned of trade union action if the government acts against these norms and have written to the CC cautioning against confirming political appointees to this important position.

Showdowns between the Executive and the Constitutional Council have been a regular feature when the ruling party does not have majority support in the Council.

According to the Constitution, a minimum of five votes are required at the 10-member CC, headed by the Speaker, for an appointment to either be approved or rejected. Three of its members are ex officio—the Speaker, the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition—while four others are either Government or Opposition MPs, and three members represent civil society. With the civil society members holding the balance in the Council, their vote decides who gets accepted or rejected, as has been the case with the President’s AG nominees.

The appointment of former IGP Deshabandu Tennakoon was a case in point where the decision by one of the civil society members to abstain during the vote on his nominations led to the then Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena confirming the then President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s nominee, causing much controversy.

President Dissanayake, too, seems to be embroiled in the almost inevitable clash with the current CC over the AG’s appointment. Senior government sources say they are planning to make ‘structural changes’ to appointments and other provisions to the CC so as to overcome practical difficulties for the government in carrying out its functions. The change the government is anticipating is also to extend to the Independent Commissions. The government position is that appointments to the CC and Independent Commissions were made by the previous government, and therefore, it should be entitled to make a claim to make fresh appointments when a new prime minister and government are in office. The proposed changes are likely being introduced when the terms of the CC and existing Independent Commissions end. The term of the three civil society members of the CC will end in January next year. This will allow the government to make fresh appointments to their positions—and thereby clinch the majority vote in it.

Opposition MPs meeting Speaker Jagath Wickramaratne to hand over a petition calling for the setting up of a select committee to probe allegations of failure to heed disaster warnings

RTI Commission’s work undermined

Other than the attempt to appoint an outsider as the Auditor General, there are questions if the government is trying to undermine other independent commissions. There was an issue with the Police Commission, and now, the Right to Information (RTI) Commission is within their telescopic sights, it appears. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) on Friday wrote to President Dissanayake, drawing his attention to several concerns arising from the public statement issued by the RTI Commission on November 20, 2025. In its letter, the BASL detailed shortages of funds, personnel, and other shortcomings, which it says have seriously undermined the functioning of the Commission.

Next year marks the tenth anniversary of Sri Lanka’s Right to Information Act, No. 12 of 2016 (RTI Act), which is ranked among the best in the world and has enabled thousands of Sri Lankans to exercise their right to obtain information from state and non-state bodies, the Commission said in a public statement last month. Other than the shortage of staff and funding, the RTI Commission also emphasised that any attempt to amend Sri Lanka’s RTI Act in a manner that dilutes the nature of the right to information will be to the detriment of citizens, will undermine Article 14A of the Constitution, and will constitute a grave setback to progressive gains made so far under the RTI regime.

The government also seems to be backtracking on its pledges to repeal or amend the Online Safety Act (OSA). A senior government source said that in the aftermath of the cyclone, it was evident that a lot of disinformation, misinformation and fake news was generated in a harmful manner to mislead the public. “By the time the government corrects the wrong information, the damage is already done, and the people tend not to believe the correct position. We need strong enforcement of laws such as the OSA to curb this trend,” the senior government source, who did not wish to be identified, said.

Ditwah disaster recovery

Amidst what seems to be an attempt by the government to control the free flow of information, there are questions over the ‘Rebuilding Sri Lanka’ Fund set up in the aftermath of Cyclone ‘Ditwah’. Along with its composition of a majority of members being drawn from the corporate sector, the legal status of such a fund too has been questioned.

The Parliamentary Committee on Public Finance (CoPF), headed by Samagi Jana Balawegaya MP Harsha de Silva, has said that the Fund must be formally established as a statutory fund with parliamentary approval without further delay to ensure that the funds are utilised in an accountable and transparent manner. Government sources said that they will bring the necessary legislation to parliament shortly.

The Committee also approved the supplementary estimate of Rs. 500 billion to restore the livelihoods of those affected by the cyclone before it was debated and passed in Parliament on Friday. President Dissanayake, in his capacity as the Minister of Finance, presented the supplementary estimate to Parliament. During his speech, the President assured that the country’s economy remains sound despite the many challenges it faces, particularly after the recent cyclone. Here are excerpts from his speech:

“We are a government that has worked with strong fiscal discipline and clear targets. If we consider the year 2025, we have achieved success across a number of important economic indicators this year.

“It is the economic stability we have achieved so far that has created the courage and confidence necessary for us to face this challenge. However, we are also aware that the economy had not yet grown to a level capable of fully absorbing such a shock. This shock was inflicted on our economy at a time when we were rebuilding a collapsed country step by step. Therefore, the economy must be managed through careful and finely calibrated interventions required to absorb and mitigate this shock.”

While Sri Lanka’s international partners have been forthcoming with both material and financial aid for the country in the aftermath of the cyclone.  The Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) this week approved a disbursement of SDR 150.5 million—about US$206 million or 26 per cent of the quota for Sri Lanka under the Rapid Financing Instrument (RFI).

This was in response to a request from the Sri Lankan government for the additional funding. “The Sri Lankan authorities remain committed to their economic reform programme supported by the Extended Fund Facility (EFF). The cyclone hit when the Fifth Review under the EFF was nearing completion. Given the time needed to assess the economic impact of the cyclone and examine how IMF-supported programmes can best support Sri Lanka’s recovery and reconstruction efforts while preserving objectives and policy priorities, the Fifth Review has been deferred. An IMF mission team will visit Sri Lanka in early 2026 to resume discussions,” the IMF said in a statement on Thursday.

Ever since the disaster, opposition parties have been calling for the appointment of a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to investigate what they claim were failures on the part of the government to mitigate the damage from Cyclone Ditwah. A group of opposition MPs led by New Democratic Front (NDF) MP Anuradha Jayaratne started collecting signatures last week from opposition MPs for a proposal calling for the establishment of such a PSC. The proposal, signed by 26 MPs, was handed over to Speaker Jagath Wickramaratne on Thursday. Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, Sarvajana Balaya Leader Dilith Jayaweera and Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna National Organiser Namal Rajapaksa are among those who have signed the proposal.

At the centre of the controversy is whether any warnings regarding the formation of a cyclone were ignored until it was too late. The text of the proposal signed by the opposition MPs refers to this matter at the outset when it claims that it had already been established in Parliament that Sri Lanka’s own Department of Meteorology and foreign media organisations had repeatedly warned of the potential of the formation of a cyclone in the days leading up to Ditwah. “However, it is a matter of regret that the relevant parties had no prior preparation whatsoever to face this situation. It is our belief that had such preparedness existed, a significant amount of the damage caused could have been prevented,” the MPs claim in their proposal to the Speaker.

They point out that PSCs were appointed to investigate two similar disasters in recent history, namely the Easter Sunday terror attacks and the country’s economic crisis.

Given that 22 of the country’s 24 districts were affected by the disaster, the proposal stresses that an MP from each affected district should be appointed to the PSC. It further points out that there are 12 different opposition political parties represented in Parliament. As such, the MPs have called for the composition of the PSC to be increased to 30 members, which would enable all opposition parties to be represented, and for the government’s representation to also be increased in line with that of the opposition.

The government, though, has so far dismissed calls to appoint a PSC to investigate its handling of the disaster and has vigorously pushed back against accusations that it had ignored warnings. Cabinet Spokesman Dr Nalinda Jayatissa told the weekly Cabinet Media Briefing on Tuesday that rather than calling for the appointment of a PSC, the opposition should go to court if it believes there were any shortcomings on the part of the government’s handling of Cyclone Ditwah.

The minister also strongly disputed widely shared claims that the government was warned of the possibility of the formation of a cyclone as far back as mid-November. “The Department of Meteorology provides forecasts, not intelligence information,” he said, making a pointed reference to those who had likened the government’s alleged failures over Cyclone Ditwah to the failures by the Yahapalana government to act on specific intelligence of an impending attack in the days leading up to the Easter Sunday atrocities. He criticised certain media institutions for promoting unfounded claims that warnings of an impending cyclone had been given as early as November 12. Dr Jayatissa insisted that the best that both the Sri Lankan and Indian Departments of Meteorology could do on November 24 and 25 was to note that there were disturbances in the lower atmosphere in the Indian Ocean during November and that these could develop into a depression. “If anything other than this was conveyed at that time, do point it out to me,” he told journalists. It was only on the morning of November 25 that the Sri Lankan Department of Meteorology announced that the disturbance had grown into a depression, while it was only on the morning of November 27 that it said that the depression had become a deep depression and that it would intensify into a cyclonic storm by about 8.00 pm on the same day, the minister stated.

He alleged some elements were trying to equate what happened with Ditwah to the Easter Sunday attacks, adding there was no further point in wasting time responding to the accusations. “If there are those who still hold doubts (on the government’s handling of the disaster), they should go to courts and prove their allegations.”

Gag order on NPP members

While the government may claim it has been extremely transparent with regard to its handling of the disaster, certain developments on the ground continue to raise concern on this front. One example is the controversy over claims made by Nuwara Eliya Mayor Upali Wanigasekara regarding reasons for the flooding experienced in Nuwara Eliya town during the cyclone. The disaster led to the town being flooded for the first time in years and caused significant damage to many businesses. President Dissanayake questioned the mayor about reasons for the flooding when he chaired the Nuwara Eliya District Coordinating Committee meeting on December 8. Mayor Wanigasekara, who is from the ruling NPP, told the meeting that flooding occurred because the two sluice gates of the historic Gregory Lake, which is in the heart of the town, were too small and because the town’s canal system had narrowed considerably owing to illegal constructions. It also emerged during the discussion that though the Department of Irrigation had earlier requested that the administration of the technical operations of Lake Gregory’s spillway be placed under its control, the Nuwara Eliya Municipal Council had opposed the request. President Dissanayake said it was better for the Irrigation Department to be given control of the spillway since the Nuwara Eliya MC did not possess the technical support to manage it.

Some business owners in Nuwara Eliya town, however, went public after the meeting with allegations that the reasons given by the mayor for the flooding were false and that he had misled the President. They alleged the flooding occurred because the inexperienced mayor and his council lacked the expertise to handle such a disaster situation and reacted far too late, with officials also preferring to remain silent rather than clash with the political authority.

When a reporter from a private television channel attempted to contact Mayor Wanigasekara for his response, he made a damning remark, saying that the “party” had instructed him not to make a statement to the media about the matter. Mr Wanigasekara’s comments that his party had told him not to speak to the media raise serious questions on whether the NPP is directing its local councillors on what to say and what not to say to the media, especially if it is to boomerang on the government. Reports of the NPP keeping a tight grip on who is allowed to speak to the media and on what topics have been circulating for some time. Indeed, one of the main allegations levelled against the government is that far too many of its decisions are being taken from the NPP/JVP party office in Pelawatte, with undue influence from unelected elements who hold powerful positions within the party. It also seems that control over the flow of information is not just limited to local councillors. One opposition MP claimed that backbench NPP MPs were initially reluctant to even make small talk with their opposition colleagues in the corridors of Parliament because they were afraid of being noticed and asked to explain by the party as to what they were talking about.

The party is also being accused of inserting its representatives into the aid distribution and damage assessment process that will lead to the awarding of compensation. This is by way of sending local party representatives to ‘assist’ Grama Niladharis in their work. Unions representing Grama Niladharis, though, have voiced their frustration at what they claim is interference by NPP representatives at the village level in both aid distribution and damage assessments. NDF Badulla District MP Chamara Sampath Dassanayake told Parliament on Thursday that the situation has led to there being two Grama Niladharis at the village level now—the official Grama Niladhari coming under the Ministry of Public Administration and the unofficial one reporting to the NPP party office. “Both these persons now go to distribute the Rs. 25,000 cash (for cleaning flood-affected houses and property). This has become a nuisance now for the official Grama Niladharis, as they are being told to give the cash to ‘this house and not give to that other house’ as the inmates support some other political party. You can’t do this. This government came insisting that it would enact a system change. Then it should learn to do this right,” he said.

The government firmly rejects these accusations, though it admits that NPP representatives have indeed been assigned to assist Grama Niladharis. Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala said last week that party representatives are there to ensure there are no irregularities in the awarding of compensation. He insisted that public officials will still have complete authority over the distribution of funds.

SLFP crisis deepens

NDF MP Dassanayake, meanwhile, is embroiled in a different controversy of his own. While he contested from the NDF, the MP has long been a veteran of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), which has been torn by bitter factional infighting for months. The infighting has now reached a new phase after party Chairman Nimal Siripala De Silva opted to change the SLFP’s constitution.

The Election Commission currently recognises Dayasiri Jayasekara, who contested from the SJB, as SLFP General Secretary. The De Silva faction, however, earlier mounted an internal coup by installing Duminda Dissanayake as SLFP General Secretary. The move was challenged in court, and the case is still pending.

The De Silva faction again made fresh moves to take full control of the party this week when it hastily amended the party constitution so that the powers of the party chairman could be exercised subject to the approval of the party’s politburo. This was done by convening a meeting of the party’s executive committee and the all-island central committee.

Upon learning of the move, Mr Jayasekara, who was in Dubai, immediately consulted his counsel, Chandana Liyanapatabendi, PC, and a case led by Attorney-at-Law Wijeya Gamage was filed in the Colombo District Court. Given he was overseas, Jayasekara convinced three senior SLFP members, namely Hector Bethmage, P.U. Keerthiratne and Danushka Dissanayake, to file a petition in the Colombo District Court challenging the convening of the executive committee and the all-island central committee. The petition, filed through Attorney-at-Law Subarshini N. Jayasuriya, cited Nimal Siripala De Silva, Duminda Dissanayake and Lasantha Alagiyawanna as the respondents and presented 62 facts as the petitioners requested the court to grant an interim injunction preventing the respondents from calling a meeting to amend the SLFP constitution. The petitioners argued that any move to amend the party constitution without first having any prior consultation with the party’s executive committee and all-island central committee was wrong.

District Judge Saliya Abeyratne, however, rejected the request for an interim injunction after it emerged in court that the letter that the Jayasekara faction had sent to the SLFP head office objecting to the convening of the meeting had not been sent on time. The case has been refixed for January 18.

Given no interim injunction was issued, the meeting was duly convened and the SLFP’s constitution was amended. Accordingly, 81-year-old De Silva was again named party chairman, and Duminda Dissanayake as general secretary. Former Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe was named Colombo District Leader and Senior Deputy Chairman, and Chamara Sampath Dassanayake was named National Organiser.

The De Silva faction has argued that Mr Jayasekara could not hold a position in the SLFP given he was elected to Parliament from the SJB. But Mr Jayasekara has questioned how Mr Dassanayake can be elected national organiser given he represents the NDF in Parliament. Mr Jayasekara has also pointed out that SJB General Secretary Ranjith Maddumabandara has already sent a letter to the Election Commission stating that Mr Jayasekara contested from the SJB after signing an agreement with the SJB allowing him to remain an SLFP member. The arguments and counterarguments continue, as the once frontline national party is plunged into further chaos.

SJB-UNP unity moves

For the main opposition, SJB, and the United National Party, the past few months have seen a flurry of negotiations between the two parties as they explore the possibility of a reunification. Despite multiple rounds of talks, an agreement between the two sides still seems far off, leading to frustration among politicians and supporters from both sides. The matter came up for discussion during a function organised by some of the UNP’s younger politicians at a Colombo restaurant belonging to a former government minister. Former President and UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe was also in attendance, and several of the bolder UNPers broached the subject to him directly. One went so far as to ask Mr Wickremesinghe whether he would consider stepping down from his position as party leader if it emerged that him continuing to remain in the position was what was holding up any potential tie-up.

The young politicians had stressed the need to build a strong opposition capable of toppling the government, adding they could not spend a further five years in the opposition if they were to lose the next general election.

Mr Wickremesinghe immediately insisted he had no qualms about stepping down, noting that he had already reached the highest position in the country by becoming president. He said he had already conveyed to the party’s working committee that he was willing to step down as party leader if he was the obstacle towards reunification.

“I have no problem stepping down as leader. You should also convey this to the SJB. We have already taken up too much time with these negotiations. We need to begin a programme to send the government home. We plan to start this campaign in January, so a decision must be made soon. I will help with this,” Mr Wickremesinghe told the young politicians.

Mr Wickremesinghe has been UNP leader since 1994. There is a generation of people in the country who have never known another UNP leader. It was Mr Wickremesinghe’s refusal to step down that ultimately caused the acrimonious split within the UNP when Sajith Premadasa broke away from the party to form the SJB, taking the vast majority of the party’s politicians and supporters with him. The split led to the UNP’s ultimate humiliation at the 2020 general election, where the party could secure only a single national list seat based on its entire haul of electoral votes. Given that he has steadfastly held on as party leader despite so many setbacks to the party over the past three decades, any talk on the part of Mr Wickremesinghe that he is willing to step down might  be taken with caution. The SJB too would certainly be mindful of this.