Columns

• Meeting held amid obstacles — restrictions on the use of loudspeakers, a power cut, and inclement weather;
  Mahinda and Ranil notable absentees
• Govt. members dismiss the meeting as having little impact; SJB misses an opportunity to take the fight to the government
• President meets ITAK leaders; conflicting takes on the outcome of talk

By our Political Desk

With the main opposition, Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), announcing well in advance that it would not be taking part, it posed a challenge for the collective of other opposition parties to gather a large enough crowd in Nugegoda for last Friday’s ‘Maha Jana Handa’ (Voice of the People) anti-government rally to make a political statement.

Even several other parties, such as the National Freedom Front led by former Minister Wimal Weerawansa and the fledgling Sarvajana Balaya led by opposition parliamentarian Dilith Jayaweera, had also publicly declined to attend the rally. This meant that the heavy lifting needed to make the rally a success fell on parties such as the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), the United National Party (UNP), the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP)-led People’s Alliance (PA) and the Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU).

There were other challenges. Police had imposed strict conditions on the use of loudspeakers in the vicinity of the meeting venue at the Ananda Samarakoon Open Air Theatre in the middle of Nugegoda Town, citing the ongoing GCE Advanced Level Examination in schools in the area. Police had noted that any extensive use of loudspeakers could disturb candidates who were sitting for, as irony would have it, the political science paper that afternoon. Mirihana Police had issued a permit for the use of loudspeakers on the condition that they could only be used within the meeting venue itself. It was not clearly identified what the area they defined as the ‘meeting venue’ was. However, police officers acted swiftly to take down loudspeakers that had been ‘outside’ the venue in contravention of these conditions. Restrictions on the use of loudspeakers meant that it was difficult for those who were far away from the open-air theatre to clearly hear what was being said.

President Dissanayake addressing theTangalle rally where he outlined the government's Ratama Ekata programme

Opposition parties later accused the police of double standards, alleging that loudspeakers had been used extensively only the previous day in Tangalle at a rally held as part of the ‘Ratama Ekata’ (A Nation United) National Operation, presided over by none other than President Anura Kumara Dissanayake. No restrictions had been imposed on the use of loudspeakers there, though the Advanced Level examination was held during the time the meeting was taking place, they alleged. The schools situated nearby were Tangalle Maha Vidyalaya, Tangalle Rahula Maha Vidyalaya and Tangalle Kanishta Vidyalaya.

There were also subtle acts of intimidation and mockery. Bundles of grass had been placed in plain view at several locations along the roads used by those travelling to the meeting venue. It was clearly meant to refer to the crowd as cattle. Journalists covering the event said a power cut had also affected the area near the meeting venue while the rally was in progress.

The weather gods were also far from kind, as a heavy downpour came while the rally was in progress, drenching the crowd as well as speakers on the stage. Addressing a news conference the following day, the UNP’s Deputy General Secretary in charge of Political Mobilisation, Harin Fernando, said he had never faced as many challenges as he did at Nugegoda when organising a political meeting. Many asked if the timing of the first mass rally to oppose the JVP/NPP government was the best, given the fact that the A/L exams were in progress and considering the late afternoon weather this time of year.

Given all these challenges, however, organisers would, no doubt, have been heartened by the significant crowd that still showed up. Many had been bussed in from different parts of the country by party organisers, as is always the case for such political muscle-flexing exercises. The crowd, numbering several thousand, certainly made their presence felt and voices heard.

Organisers had taken steps to ensure that most participating parties had at least one prominent speaker addressing the rally. Those who spoke included PHU Leader Udaya Gammanpila, SLFP Senior Deputy Chairman and New Democratic Front MP Chamara Sampath Dassanayake, and the UNP’s Harin Fernando. There was no argument, though, as to who was the star of the show. SLPP National Organiser and National List MP Namal Rajapaksa received the biggest cheer and the most enthusiastic welcome from those present. He was mobbed by attendees, both on the way to the stage and while leaving the venue after the meeting, with many crowding to try and take photographs and selfies with him. Even Harin Fernando appeared to acknowledge the star power of the SLPP National Organiser when he referred to him as the “prince” when addressing the gathering.

It was Rajapaksa who made the rally’s final speech, blasting the government over its record and calling on it to “stop with the lies at least now and start working.” He warned President Dissanayake and the NPP that if this demand went unheeded, the political force they had gathered would work to topple the government “at the first available opportunity”.

SLPP National Organiser Namal Rajapaksa addressing Friday's Nugegoda rally. Pic by Akila Jayawardena

While the Nugegoda rally may be heralded as a significant boost for the collective of opposition parties that organised it, the event is an even bigger triumph for the SLPP. Indeed, the party’s recovery from the electoral hammering it received at the last general election, when it secured just three seats in Parliament, has been visible for some time. It made considerable gains during May’s local government elections, and its members have secured chairmanships and deputy chairmanships of a significant number of local government bodies with the support of other parties as they worked together to win control of local bodies where no party had secured an outright majority. The SLPP was out in force in Nugegoda, and the rally was clear evidence that it is now positioning itself as the major force among the opposition collective.

SJB’s absence

Though Nugegoda Town has been a regular spot for opposition parties wanting to kick off their campaigns due to its overcrowding even on a normal day, the considerable numbers that showed up on Friday would no doubt have caused some discomfort within the main opposition SJB as well. It was no secret that some party members were adamant that the SJB too should be present at the rally, or at least send some representatives as a symbolic sign of support.

However, with Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa and others in the party hierarchy uneasy about sharing the stage with parties that were so opposed to their own political and ideological views, and with politicians who face serious allegations of fraud and corruption, the party decided against attending.

SJB General Secretary Ranjith Maddumabandara would have been conscious of the sentiments among a considerable section of his party about the Nugegoda rally when, speaking to reporters ahead of the meeting, he said that the SJB would decide in the future as to which of the opposition groups it would align with, but that the party wished the Nugegoda rally well. The fact that smaller opposition parties had still mustered a large crowd even without the SJB’s organisational support will certainly sting those at the highest levels of the party that they missed out on a mass mobilisation opportunity.

The fact that Namal Rajapaksa was the most prominent opposition figure at the Nugegoda rally was not lost on the government. Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa had earlier declared his intention to attend the rally, though he did not show up on the day, an occurrence which some attributed to his desire to let his eldest son claim the limelight as he prepares for a possible presidential bid. He told reporters outside his house on his 80th birthday earlier this week, “How can I not go?” when asked if he would attend the rally. Callers even on the day of the rally were told, “I have not yet decided.” It may have been that he didn’t want to ‘steal the show’, or it might have been that he was advised against going for multiple reasons, including his health.

There had earlier been some speculation that UNP leader and former President Ranil Wickremesinghe would be in attendance, but he flew to India on Friday to attend the wedding of UNP MP Jeevan Thondaman. Mr Wickremesinghe sent a message through Harin Fernando wishing the rally every success. However, Mr Fernando did not read out the letter due to time constraints but said his leader’s blessings were with the rally.

A senior government ministerial source, however, claimed Namal Rajapaksa was trying to steal the limelight from more senior leaders in the opposition in an effort to play the ‘victim card’ when further court cases are expected against him over various investigations he is facing. “This is why he’s trying to show that it is he and the SLPP that are the main source of opposition to the government. He knows that if he were to be arrested and charged, he can always spin this as the government trying to silence opposition voices.”

Mr Rajapaksa is indeed already facing a number of court cases, and more are likely to follow soon after the completion of investigations into complaints.

This week in parliament, old questions were raised again over his academic qualifications to be admitted to Sri Lanka Law College. It was against this backdrop that Speaker Jagath Wickramaratne announced on Wednesday that SLPP Hambantota District MP D.V. Chanaka had been nominated to the Committee on Parliamentary Business to fill the vacancy created by the resignation of Mr Rajapaksa. SLPP General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam said the decision by Mr Rajapaksa to resign from the Committee was taken due to his increased workload with his own party and for no other reason.

“Mr Rajapaksa has so many engagements now. Most of the party work is done by him. As a result, he has missed so many Business Committee meetings where important decisions have been taken. In light of that, we thought of appointing Mr Chanaka to that position to ensure that our party representation would be there in the Committee,” the SLPP General Secretary said.

Officially, government members are dismissive of the rally and downplaying its impact on the electorate. NPP members, including ministers and MPs, who spoke both in Parliament during the ongoing budget debate as well as to the media on other occasions, have scoffed at any suggestion that the rally was a success.

“This protest rally is not an issue to the government,” Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala said. He ridiculed the rally, saying many of those who attended “appeared to be under the influence of liquor or drugs, or both. He pointed out that many of those who addressed the rally are facing charges of fraud and corruption. “That is why people had hung grass along the route to the meeting venue, so as to send a message to those coming for the meeting,” he said.

While the government is hammering the opposition over charges of fraud, corruption and narcotics trafficking, the opposition moved this week to formally introduce a resolution to appoint a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to probe January’s controversial release of 323 red-labelled containers from the Colombo Port without subjecting them to a mandatory physical inspection. The scandal, the first serious corruption allegation to hit the JVP/NPP government, has been a talking point for months.

A report compiled by a four-member probe committee headed by Deputy Treasury Secretary A.K. Seneviratne handed over its report way back in July, recommending that an internal inquiry should be held and disciplinary action taken against Customs officers who allegedly ignored recommendations made to conduct physical inspections on the containers after scans had detected uncertainties regarding the contents and quantities inside. No action, though, has been taken against anyone.

The resolution to appoint a PSC over the matter, containing the signatures of 43 opposition MPs, was presented to Parliament on Thursday by Chief Opposition Whip Gayantha Karunathilleka. It has been signed by MPs from nearly every opposition party in Parliament, including the SJB, the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK), the New Democratic Front, the SLPP, the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) and the Sarvajana Balaya.

Following is the full text of the resolution presented to Parliament:

“Select Committee of Parliament to look into and Report to Parliament on the release of 323 Containers from the Port of Colombo without undergoing mandatory physical inspection and submit its proposals and recommendations in that regard,

“Whereas, it has been revealed that 323 containers were released from the Port of Colombo without undergoing mandatory physical inspection, contrary to established accepted customs procedures;

“And whereas the Secretary to the Treasury appointed a Committee of Inquiry on instructions of the President who had taken cognisance of news reports on these irregularities and the said Committee of Inquiry in its report has observed that the method of releasing the containers was contrary to the law and that ‘the release of containers without proper inspection poses serious risks to national security, revenue collection, and public safety’;

“And whereas the Sri Lanka Customs Officers’ Union has publicly stated that they cannot take responsibility for the contents of said containers in light of the irregular manner of their release;

“And whereas serious allegations have been raised in Parliament and by responsible authorities that said containers could have been used to smuggle narcotics, arms, and other prohibited contraband into the country;

“And whereas recent detections in Sri Lanka, including the recovery of large consignments of narcotic drugs and an increase in incidents involving illegal firearms, have heightened legitimate fears that lapses of this nature are directly linked to threats faced by the public;

“And whereas this matter touches upon issues of national security, law enforcement, public safety, and the integrity of the country’s ports and customs administration, all of which are of paramount national importance;

“And whereas this matter has become a source of uncertainty in society;

“This Parliament resolves that a Select Committee of Parliament be appointed to look into and report to Parliament and submit its proposals and recommendations on all matters relating to the release of the said containers, not being limited to the above, but also including the following:

(a) the legality and propriety of releasing containers without physical inspection;

(b) the accountability of government authorities, officials, and private entities involved;

(c) whether any of the said containers contained illegal, prohibited, or harmful goods;

(d) the role and responsibility of the Sri Lanka Customs and the Sri Lanka Ports Authority in the process;

(e) the adequacy of existing laws, regulations, and procedures in safeguarding against such irregularities; and

(f) recommendations for legal, administrative, and policy reforms to ensure prevention of such incidents in the future.

2. (a) that the Chair and Members of the Committee shall be appointed by the Speaker; and

(b) that in terms of the provisions of Standing Order 101 of Parliament, the Committee shall not consist of more than twelve (12) Members.

3. That the Committee shall have the power to

(a) fix its quorum;

(b) summon any person to appear before it, to require any person to procure any document or record, to procure and receive all such evidence, written or oral, as the Committee may think it necessary for the fullest consideration of the matters referred to above;

(c) obtain the services of specialists and experts in the relevant fields to assist the Committee; and

(d) make interim reports from time to time and to sit notwithstanding any adjournment or prorogation of Parliament.

4. The Committee shall present its report to Parliament within a period of three months (03) from the first meeting of the Committee or within such further period as Parliament may grant.”

President meets ITAK leaders

In other developments, President Dissanayake met with ITAK leaders on Wednesday to discuss the elusive ‘political solution’ to address the grievances of the people of the North and East, but the outcome of the talks was expected. What was promised was a new ‘political framework’ to address the grievances of the Tamil people, but there was nothing concrete on what this so-called ‘political framework’ would be or a timeline within which the government would have anything tangible on the table.

A President’s Office media statement said the discussions focused on the Provincial Council elections and the need for a new constitution. “The Government believes longstanding issues faced by the people of the Northern and Eastern Provinces can no longer be addressed through outdated political solutions. Therefore, it is necessary to move towards a new political framework, and the support of everyone is essential in that process.”

ITAK General Secretary and former parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran, who attended the meeting, had a different take from that of the President’s office release. “We categorically stated that nothing new needs to be started; we only have to complete the process based on all the previous agreements,” he said on his X handle.

“We pointed out to the President that our party stood for a meaningful power-sharing arrangement within a federal structure, by whatever name it is called. We also pointed out that the first promise in the President’s Election Manifesto (page 230) was to speedily complete the 2016-2019 constitutional reform process. Although there was no agreement with the eventual draft, when the Steering Committee discussed the Principles of Devolution at its 31st meeting, there was agreement on 14 matters (I handed a copy to the President – he and I were both members of the steering committee),” Mr Sumanthiran wrote.

The President also promised that the Provincial Council election would be held soon, but there was no indication when that would be.

The meeting, which lasted close to two hours, also included discussions on long-standing regional issues such as fisheries disputes, land concerns and the need for improved infrastructure and development in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. The President had also issued immediate directives to the relevant officials to ensure that solutions will be implemented for certain issues raised by the ITAK representatives.

The ITAK delegation included MPs S. Rasamanickam, P. Sathiyalingam, G. Srinesan, S. Sridharan, T. Raviharan, K. Kodishwaran, K. S. Kugathasan, as well as C. V. K. Sivagnanam, while Secretary to the President Sanath Kumanayake also attended the meeting.

Former Speaker reveals chaos before order, as Aragalaya left democracy in peril  Several books have been written on the 2022 Aragalaya with different interpretations, but many of the details of what went on behind the scenes in the crucial hours between Gotabaya Rajapaksa relinquishing the post of president and Ranil Wickremesinghe’s swearing in as the new executive president remain shrouded in secrecy. Former Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, who was privy to the fast-unfolding events of July 2022, recalled his experiences during those crucial days at the launch of the book titled Aragalaye Balaya, written by Dr Sunanda Madduma Bandara and launched on Thursday. While he revealed the tense scenes as protesters surrounded the parliament and the attempts to safeguard the Mace, he said there were many other details which cannot be made public. The former Speaker said that he was approached to take over the presidency, which he had firmly turned down, but chose not to say who made him the offer. The widely held speculation swirling is that it was made by the lady ambassador of a powerful country, now asked not to ‘mess about’ in local politics. He also said there were many parties trying to take advantage of the time when there was no clear indication as to who was in charge and no clear leader to give orders to the armed forces. “It’s not a subject that I like to speak on, as there were many bitter experiences. There was a justifiable Aragalaya. That was their democratic right, and we appreciate it. We have always stood for democracy. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa also knew it was a just struggle, even giving place for the protesters, but they ended up inside his own official residence (President’s House).  But even then, Gotabaya Rajapaksa did not go beyond that because he knew it was a democracy,” the former Speaker said. In comparison, he said scores of people were killed in Bangladesh and Nepal during similar protests. The former Speaker said that in the hours after then-President Rajapaksa left, there was no one in charge. “I was under a lot of pressure to summon Parliament. I could only contact one or two MPs, and they asked me if I could guarantee their safety. Hence, I could give no such guarantees; I had to postpone the summoning of Parliament. I was the only person who was holding office who was contactable at that time,” he said. Mr Yapa Abeywardena said he realised then that the situation was grave after Ranil Wickremesinghe’s house was set on fire and the armed forces too were acting in a rudderless manner. The main protagonists of the Aragalaya episode, former President Ranil Wickremesinghe and former Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, at the launch of Dr. Sunanda Madduma Bandara’s latest book Aragalaya Balaya. Pic by Indika Handuwala. “Mr Wickremesinghe took over the premiership at a time when no one was willing to come forward. I also urged him to take over, saying if he doesn’t do it, we won’t have a country. He was reluctant to do so. It was on the day of the wedding of the son of Rishard Bathuideen at the Shangri-La Hotel. I met him (Wickremesinghe) at the wedding, and there again I urged him to take over. Soon after he took over the post,” he added. He said that there were some people urging him (Yapa Abeywardena) to form the government with those involved in the Aragalaya, but he had refused to do so. “My official residence was surrounded by hundreds of protestors, but I said I would not take one step outside the Constitution and even if I were to die, I would not do so. I was ready for it. I told the workers in the house to keep all the doors open, and if they come in, I will remain, and for the others to go,” the former Speaker recalled. He went on to say that the security officers moved him to the parliament building, and he had instructed the Serjeant-at-Arms to safeguard the Mace, as it’s a symbol of the authority of Parliament. “I told him as long as the Mace is there, Parliament can meet even under the shade of a tree. He told me he has hidden it in a place where, even if the parliament building were set on fire, the Mace would be safe. All the Parliament officials, including the Secretary General and others, did a tremendous amount of work that night,” he said. Continuing, the former Speaker said he had summoned a party leaders meeting, and while arrangements were being made to hold it, the protestors had broken through the first barriers. The IGP and some of the armed forces commanders were also there, but they said there was no one to give them orders. I told them that I was in no position to give orders, but they’re bound under the Constitution to safeguard the safety and security of the country, and then they left. I can say democracy was saved that day.” Some parties tried to take advantage of the worsening security situation in Colombo, even suggesting that all the armed forces personnel in the North be withdrawn and brought to Colombo for security. “It was clear when I heard this that the Aragalaya was being used as an excuse to achieve other agendas,” he said. Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who spoke at the book launch, said that the former Speaker had stood firmly with him to safeguard democracy at a crucial time in the country’s history. We are political opponents, but we are not political enemies,” he said. “Sri Lanka is the oldest democracy in Asia. This is something we must value, protect, and advance. It is the duty of any government to uphold these principles. If a government fails to do so, it cannot claim that it is truly governing the country,” he said. Mr Wickremesinghe recalled that some international media outlets accused his government of violently repressing the Aragalaya but pointed out that had the suppression indeed been as successful as claimed, he would not have lost the subsequent presidential election. “We acted on every front because we had to protect democracy in this country.  Bangladesh faced its own crisis—people took to the streets, and in the end the government had to open fire. That was not the situation in Sri Lanka. Look at Nepal: social media controls led to instability there. Our problems were far more serious than any of that. Yet we managed to contain them within democratic structures,” he added.