Political Column  

CBK gets set to go for JM
By Our Political Editor
It was the Secretary General of the Colombo Peace Secretariat, Jayantha Dhanapala, who gave the first official indication in Tokyo last week -- President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga would soon take a firm decision on the Joint Mechanism or the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure.

He whispered this in the ears of Japan's Special Envoy for the Sri Lankan peace process, Yashushi Akashi, at a social that followed a UN-backed speaking engagement in the Japanese capital.

Those remarks, though informal, were still official. It was the first formal indication that President Kumaratunga would go ahead with the Joint Mechanism or the new Management Structure to share equitably aid for tsunami recovery with Tiger guerrillas. Hell or high water in the country's political firmament, she now seems determined to go ahead and has made up her mind.

Yet, a major hurdle, it seems, has to be cleared. That is to obtain the blessings of neighboring India. Even if New Delhi does entertain apprehensions, officially it is not poised to say "no" to such a move. It is borne out of the fact that the granting of a Management Structure to the LTTE and thus share aid, India believes, is an internal affair of the Sri Lankan Government. However, Indian concerns stem from the gigantic political and military structure the Tiger guerrillas had built ever since the Ceasefire Agreement was signed on February 22, 2002. Some of them, India is worried, could spill over into its territory. For example, the construction of a 1.2 kilometre long runway in Kilinochchi and the acquisition of aircraft by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) pose a threat to India. Hence the worry, quite understandably, is whether any of the foreign aid to be pumped in through a Management Structure to the guerrillas would go to enhance such air capability and other similar military fortifications. Such a move would not only be a threat to Sri Lanka but also to India. Moreover, India would be conscious it would have to endorse a Joint Mechanism whose scope and content still remains a top secret to the Sri Lankan public.

It was only Thursday the acting Head of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) Hagrup Haukland told the Foreign Correspondents Association that the newly acquired "air assets" of the LTTE could re-ignite war. This is the boldest statement made by an SLMM official in the three years of ceasefire. He said an air capability would mean "a hell of a lot" to the LTTE and warned "it not only destabilises Sri Lanka's security but India's security as well." Now that the head of Scandinavian truce monitors has spoken so eloquently, one cannot expect the Indian Government to gloss over the issue. He has publicly confirmed that he had seen the airstrip from the air. This is the first time ever there has been public confirmation on the matter. Up to now, though the Sri Lanka Government has circulated aide memoire to a number of western Governments, no one in authority has made a public statement on the LTTE's acquisition of air capability.

The only exception has been Foreign Minister, Lakshman Kadirgamar, during a meeting with his British counterpart Jack Straw. Here again, he only revealed that when he raised issue with Mr. Straw.

The UPFA Government considers India's blessings vital. President Kumaratunga will fly to New Delhi on Thursday for a meeting with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. She will outline to him the parameters of the Management Structure and the reasons why her Government feels it would be imperative to concede it to the LTTE. Soon after she returns, Indian Foreign Minister Natwar Singh will arrive in Colombo. No doubt the matter will be pursued further. Kumaratunga's talks with Premier Singh and Foreign Minister Natwar Singh will be reflected in joint statements. That will highlight the official stance of the Government of India and is expected to be a precursor to Colombo making an official announcement on the contours of the new Management Strucutre.

Kumaratunga has given priority to the India visit. So much so, she had to call off earlier plans to visit CNN headquarters in Atlanta, United States. She is among Heads of State invited to make a keynote address during ceremonies to mark CNN's 25th anniversary and the World Report Conference (WRC). Instead, she will now make the address in a live satellite broadcast on June 1 (Wednesday). Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, who is also an invitee, will be in Atlanta to take part in a panel discussion on last December's devastating tsunami. Also in the panel is former US President George H. Bush and the Information Minister of Maldives, Ahmed Abdulla. Before his return to Colombo, Foreign Ministry sources say, Kadirgamar will also meet US Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice for talks. This will be his first meeting with Rice since she assumed the top job.

Though some details of the so-called Joint Mechanism, a label which UPFA leaders now hate to use are now known, there is still confusion over most aspects. Some UPFA leaders contend that Kumaratunga would set up the joint Management Structure invoking her executive powers as President -- a move which they argue may place the structure beyond parliamentary scrutiny. During the tenure of the previous United National Front (UNF) Government Kumaratunga has been a vociferous critic of the LTTE's demand for an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA). Among the many reasons was that it tended to by pass the nation's Parliament. On occasions she also criticised bitterly the UNF for aiding and abetting in moves to undermine the country's legislature.

Contrary to claims by UPFA leaders, senior officials have declared publicly that cash flow to the joint Management Structure would be from line ministries -- the Ministry of Finance in particular. If that in effect is the official position, the proposed JMS (Joint Management Structure) would naturally come under the scrutiny of Parliament. This is by virtue of the fact that Parliament exercises control over the finances of all ministries. In such an event, the United National Party (UNP), which considers the JMS as only part of tsunami relief effort and not the peace process together with the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) could jointly defeat the JMS in Parliament. That is when financial allocations for such a mechanism come up for Parliamentary approval. This no doubt would render the Joint Management Structure ineffective.

Hence a critical question is the scope and content of the joint Management Structure -- whether it would be subject to Parliamentary control or not. Another issue would be the signing of an agreement between the UPFA Government and the LTTE to give effect to the agreed joint Management Structure.

Opposition political parties argue signing at the official level could enable a citizen to challenge it in courts. However, they point out that it would not be possible if it is executed by a Presidential decree.

Colombo Peace Secretariat Secretary General Dhanapala boarded a flight from Colombo on Friday (May 20) -- the same day a three-member JVP delegation left for Tokyo. Though both parties were headed for Tokyo, Dhanapala was taking a Cathay Pacific Airways flight to Hong Kong for an onward connection. The JVP trio -- leader Somawansa Amerasinghe, Nandana Gunathilleke and parliamentary group leader Wimal Weerawansa -- were boarding a Sri Lankan Airlines direct flight.

It was Weerawansa who spotted Dhanapala checking in. He walked up to him, patted him on the chest and asked where he was headed. "To Tokyo on a UN backed engagement," came the reply. Weerawansa was later heard to whisper in his leader Amerasinghe's ears that "we have no cause to worry. He is also going to be out of the country."

These remarks clearly underscored the serious concerns entertained by the JVP over the proposed Joint Management Structure. They were breathing a sigh of relief that a key player in the process to concede this joint mechanism was going to be away -- an indication that no finality would be arrived at by Kumaratunga until he returned.

There was a mild diversion at the airport. It was only Gunathilleke and Weerawansa who, as parliamentariarns, held diplomatic passports. Amerasinghe did not. Hence, the latter preferred to use the normal public enclosure to complete departure formalities and not use the VIP lounge. The two JVP parliamentarians were in agreement with their leader. However, they chose not to wait in the long queue and presented their tickets pronto during check in. Some of the travellers who were unaware this group could have completed formalities without even being present at the counter were irked. Dhanapala's remarks to Akashi had reached the JVP trio, who were welcome VVIPS to Japan. At the plush Imperial Hotel, home for visiting heads of state, government and important dignitaries, Amerasinghe went into a brief discussion with Goonetilleke and Weerawansa over what they heard. Amerasinghe was quick to draw an analogy from what was going on that week in Japanese politics. Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's ruling party had brought in proposals to privatize the postal system in that country. But the move was strongly opposed by a formidable section of Koizumi's own parliamentarians. Hence the proposal could not be decided upon. Amerasinghe declared that the proposed Joint Management Structure would face the same fate but noted how the Japanese democracy allowed such dissent without acrimony.

Weerawansa cut short his stay in Japan and returned to Colombo on Friday night leaving his two other colleagues to complete the Japanese tour. He had to be on hand for a meeting JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva and Minister Anura Kumara Dissanayake were to have with President Kumaratunga on Friday afternoon. They knew the meeting was not to discuss the joint Management Structure. This is because the JVP had demanded that a copy of the document outlining the proposed structure should be made available to them ahead of any future talks. An official at the Presidential Secretariat had agreed to do so and intimate a date thereafter for the discussion. This is to take place after Kumaratunga's India visit.

Friday's talks which began at 7.30 pm and continued till after 9 pm were focused on issues before the Western Provincial Council. There the JVP was supporting a UNP motion of no confidence against Chief Minister Reginald Cooray. Kumaratunga urged the JVP to change its stance and allow Cooray to continue in office. The JVP stuck to its guns insisting that Cooray should go and gave its reasons for it. The meeting ended inconclusively though the two sides agreed to meet again to review the matter.

That meeting was to be followed by another -- a session by leaders of constituent parties of the UPFA. Besides those from the JVP, there was Dinseh Gunawardena, Athauda Seneviratne, D.E.W. Gunasekera and Douglas Devananda. Kumaratunga took the opportunity to fire a strong salvo at the JVP that remarks by their leaders were one of the reasons for controversies within the UPFA leadership.

"It is good you are raising this issue. Maybe there are shortcomings but we should meet so that the issues could be raised," he quipped. Weerawansa was to observe that persons who were not expected to be at the meeting were there. It was decided to meet again and continue to discuss issues.

The stand off between Kumaratunga and the JVP over the proposed Joint Management Structure has led to concerns among sections of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), the major partner of the UPFA. A group of 16 parliamentarians, among them Ministers and Deputy Ministers, met last week at the residence of Plantation Industries Minister Anura Yapa Abeywardena. It was Deputy Minister Sripathi Sooriyaratchchi who raised issue over the proposed joint mechanism and on the need to make changes if necessary. President's Counsel Wijedasa Rajapakse responded "it cannot be done like that. The LTTE has already agreed. It should either be accepted or not." He explained the role he played in the formulation of the joint mechanism. The group is to seek a meeting with Kumaratunga to present its views.

The JVP's continued opposition to the proposed Joint Management Structure was reiterated in Tokyo this week. Leader Somawansa Amerasinghe told Akashi, during a dinner he hosted, that they were opposed to granting a mechanism to a group that did not have the people's mandate. According to one source, an official of the Sri Lanka Embassy in Tokyo who was present at all JVP meetings, was taking copious notes. Akashi gave substantial details of the proposed mechanism in a bid to get the JVP delegation to change its mind. That was to draw a lengthy explanation from Amerasinghe who declared the JVP did not accept the Tokyo Declaration in toto though there were some good provisions in it. He cited the Japanese example of dissent and tolerance -- the abandoning of moves to privatize the postal service after opposition from parliamentarians in the ruling party.

According to reliable reports from Tokyo, Akashi told a close confidante President Kumaratunga was determined to go ahead with the proposed Joint Management Structure. He had said she plans to take a very tough stand against anyone trying to disrupt her efforts. A UPFA source in Colombo added that would even mean action against those trying to incite protests or violence.

If Kumaratunga is now determined to go through with the proposed management strucutre, the LTTE appears to be very apprehensive. Its Political Wing leader, S.P. Thamilselvan told Virakesari, a leading Tamil newspaper in Colombo in an interview that the Government was reluctant to concede the joint mechanism for Disaster Management.

Now that President Kumaratunga is set to end the LTTE anxiety after her India visit, a new chapter in UPFA's political history is to unfold. How this will affect a Presidential poll due anytime before the end of next year, or the future of the UPFA itself, remains to be seen.

Deception by government — LTTE
Leader of the LTTE's political wing, S. P. Thamilselvan gave the Colombo-based Virakesari Tamil newspaper an interview. Here are edited excerpts:

Q: Can you explain the current situation regarding JM?
A:
In fact, the JM is not a big subject. It is only the media that is making a big issue. It is an instrument to reconstruct what has been affected by tsunami. It is not a programme to find solution to the ethnic issue. This subject has been magnified many times and it is causing an illusion in the minds of the people.

Q: If there is such reluctance or resistance to the JM, what would happen when a permanent solution is sought?
A:
That is a major question. The Tamil people have little faith that the Sinhala leadership would bring a settlement. History tells us the same fact. Yet our people have built up an armed struggle and are in a strong position militarily. They have faith in the right leadership. They are hopeful they would get a just solution. But the Sri Lankan government and its armed forces are trying to deceive the international community and suppress our people. The Tamil people are not in a position to believe it any more. Tamils are now in a position to build up their political and military strength and are in a position to secure their rights.

Q: More LTTE fighters and commanders have died during the ceasefire. How long will you continue to do so?
A:
We are facing a big challenge during peace times. The Sri Lankan forces are making all possible attempts to make use of this opportunity to weaken our organisations. We are patient to the extent we can. Our patience is at the highest level only because the situation here has to be known properly by the international community. But if the Sri Lankan govt. and its forces continue to behave in this manner, it cannot be said that our people will be patient or accept it. We have come to the end of our patience.

Q: While the controversy in the government on the JM is growing and the JVP is hardening its stand, do you have any intention of setting a deadline?
A:
We are not viewing only the JM. The ceasefire agreement is being violated continuously and a critical situation is continuing. In a way the activities of the Sri Lankan forces are violations of the ceasefire agreement. They are in connivance with armed groups promoting violence in our homeland, the northeast. It is also engaged in military threats and economic sanctions. On the whole attention is being paid on destabilising the situation. At the same time the JVP is creating a crisis in the formation of the JM and the President supports it and they are trying to cheat the international community by this drama.

These people have no good intentions. They do not act with the intention of providing humanitarian aid to our people. There is no point in talking about the JM after having dragged down three years without any settlement. We feel that the utterances that the JVP is against, are a political stunt and it is all pre-planned, because when the president formed the government with the JVP, they were totally against the Tamils.

Yet the president is having them in the coalition. Therefore the president's claims that the JVP is against the JM are all hypocritical drama that is being acted to deceive the international community. We are not at all prepared to believe this.

The Tamils have given them sufficient time. If the Sinhala racists and the Sinhala country cannot understand this and force the Tamils to their own way, there is no alternative for the Tamil people but to proceed in that direction.

Q: While it is being seen that the LTTE has functioned well in the political sector during the past thee years, people wish to know its activities in the military sector. Besides it is said that the LTTE is purchasing another aircraft. What are your comments.
A:
(After a long laugh ) We can give the people a clear message. As far as our leader is concerned he is keen that what has protected the people must be carefully maintained. Our military infrastructure is a very convincing one. It helped us gain superiority militarily, to win the Lankan forces and redeem the northern regions and bring them under our control. As far as the military supremacy is concerned we are maintaining a very high level. Even now youth of both sex are coming forward to strengthen our organisation. In this respect all our infrastructure is in a strong position be it the army or navy. The infrastructure of all these units is strongly constructed. Our people are also making their contribution to build these up.

Q: Tamilnadu chief minister Jayalalitha has brought to the notice of the central government that you are about to purchase another aircraft and that it would be a threat to the security of the region. What do you say?
A:
We have already replied to the feelings of India. The military bases that are constructed in our region are not a threat to India or any other country. For years the Tamil people are being subjected to racial killing and atrocities. As a result they have built up an army string in their region. They have maintained their rights to protect themselves. Our infrastructure is being built up only for this purpose and not as a threat to anyone. These are structures that are being put up to protect our own homeland. Others need not develop any fear or worry about it. We have already expressed ourselves. But the Sinhala government and the racists are attempting to give wrong information to the international community. These are their concoctions. But our structures have been existing from those days. There is no necessity for us to do anything new.

Q: What does the international community feel about the increase in your military strength?
A:
We have sufficiently explained to them. We have told them of the reorganisation of the forces by the government and of the purchases of the military hardware. In such a state the Tamils will not attempt to weaken their own forces.


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