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| Jumble
over joint mechanism That is for the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), the major stakeholder in the UPFA and its junior partner, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). Their ding-dong battle over the issue continues. Following one official statement is another. In the latest twist to the saga, at least for the Government the niceties of the English language have become very handy. That is not only to undo what has been said before without fear of contradiction or loss of face but also soothe the fraying nerves of the JVP hierarchy. Before delving further into that saga where the words "Joint Mechanism" have become political poison for the SLFP and the JVP, there is another instance where such a mechanism has turned into the elixir for "kiss and make up." That is in the relationship between the SLFP and another much junior partner in the Freedom Alliance, the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC). Like one man's terrorist is another's freedom fighter, one political party's poison is another's lifeline. Ten days ago, the CWC threatened to quit the Freedom Alliance. Its ministers and deputies handed in their letters of resignations to Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse only to be told that they should be given to President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. As a crisis developed, Premier Rajapakse rang his Cabinet colleague and one time Premier Ratnasiri Wickremanayake to apprise him. "Let them go if they want to," the latter replied in a voice of exasperation. But last Monday the CWC instead of leaving the Freedom Alliance decided on a "Joint Mechanism" with President Kumaratunga. This mechanism between the two parties is to monitor agreement reached on outstanding issues between the SLFP and the CWC. They will meet in the first week of every month to thrash out issues. The Government named three members - Ministers Nimal Siripala de Silva, Anura Priyadarshana Yapa and Parliamentarian Wijedasa Rajapakse. For the CWC, it will be leader Arumugam Thondaman, Deputy R. Yogarajan, Muthu Sivalingam (Minister of Estate Infrastructure) and Fizer Musthapa MP. It seems a new political culture has dawned since the parliamentary elections last year. With the formation of the Freedom Alliance, for its junior partners, the alarm bell during a crisis is to issue a warning to quit. A sleeping giant then not only awakens but heeds all that is prayed for. No matter whether such concessions lead to change of official policy or loss of face. President Kumaratunga conceded at least most of the 14 point plan of the CWC, the controversy over which they threatened to quit. Mr. Thondaman pointed out that she had agreed on this plan earlier. Cabinet decisions were made. But they have not been implemented, he said. President Kumaratunga periodically interrupted her talks with CWC leaders to make telephone calls to officials to sort out issues raised. She even said sorry to the CWC for not being able to meet them. She had planned to do so upon her return from London after a holiday last December but the tsunami catastrophe had occurred. One of the major issues the CWC won related to electricity power generation. The Government had planned the Kotmale Hydro Electricity Project where water resources from seven waterfalls were to be incorporated in a project to supplement power to the national grid. The CWC had its way by persuading the Government to restrict this project to water resources only from St Claire's falls in Talawakele. Consequently the Government has ordered that all tenders connected with the project to be suspended. It was Japan's Bank for International Co-operation (JBIC) that signed a deal with the Government to provide US $ 251 million for a 150 MW hydroelectric power plant project. It was during the former People's Alliance Government that President Kumaratunga, (as Finance Minister) who initiated this project. After the UPFA Government took office, Energy Minister Susil Premajayantha declared they would continue with it. Two of the other key decisions at the meeting between the President and CWC related to the recruitment of 2,500 GCE (Advanced Level) qualified youth for state sector clerical jobs in the Central, Uva, Sabaragamuwa, North Western and Western provinces and the immediate recruitment of 1,000 plantation sector youth to the Police Department. The Government has also agreed to the construction of 20,000 housing units per year in the plantation sector. For this purpose, there will be an allocation of five billion rupees each year. It will also make special administrative arrangements for delivery of Government services in the Tamil language with the appointment of specialised staff. If that has solved the problems of the CWC and a "joint mechanism" will deal with future issues, problems remain vis-à-vis the JVP. The all important Secretary General of the Government's Peace Secretariat, Jayantha Dhanapala, caused an official statement to be issued by the Government Information Department. This was on the eve of the third anniversary of the ceasefire, deemed by the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission as February 23, 2002. It disclosed the UPFA Government's readiness to "reopen direct negotiations with the LTTE on the establishment of an interim authority to meet the urgent humanitarian and development needs of the people of the North and East and proceed thereafter to negotiate a final settlement of the ethnic conflict." The statement infuriated the JVP. As explained in these columns last week, its Central Committee decided to authorise its Parliamentary Group leader and Propaganda Secretary, Wimal Weerawansa, to make a statement in Parliament. He said the JVP would quit the UPFA if the Government went ahead with this new policy declaration. He charged that the JVP, a constituent partner of the Alliance, was not consulted. The JVP's reaction came just when Norway's Special Envoy Erik Solheim was in Sri Lanka. Together with Norway's Ambassador, Hans Brattskar, he was talking both to Government and LTTE leaders about working out a "joint mechanism" without further delay. Upon his return after talks with LTTE Political Wing leader, S.P. Thamilselvan, and further talks with Government officials, Mr. Solheim was to meet key players in the peace talks in Colombo's diplomatic community. He told them that Norwegian effort to establish a "joint mechanism" between the Government and the LTTE would soon bear fruit. He said 85 percent of the groundwork had already been cleared and only a mere 15 per cent remained to be sorted out. Speaking on the telephone from Oslo on Friday night, Solheim told The Sunday Times that "for the past weeks Ambassador Brattskar has been working very hard to assist the Government and the LTTE in their endeavour to set up a tsunami mechanism. Such a mechanism will benefit the thousands of suffering victims of all communities. All rehabilitation and reconstruction will benefit from co-operation between the parties. Such practical co-operation has taken place at local level. The idea behind a mechanism is to structure those at all levels. We are hopeful that the parties will agree in the near future." He also spoke on the three years of ceasefire. He said: "With all its difficulties I believe the ceasefire has been a great success. Most importantly, at least 10,000 lives have been spared. Many more have not lost their limbs or been wounded. People in the South and in the north do not feel the same fear as in the past. Economic growth is back. In short life is better due to the ceasefire. The credit goes to the Government and the LTTE who have overcome many difficulties and throughout three years shown readiness to broadly implement the ceasefire. It also goes to the SLMM for continuous intervention to sort out many problems." That was good news for some but bad news for the JVP. The JVP openly accused Dhanapala of trying to goad the Government into an arrangement with the LTTE that would hurt the country's sovereignty. During a popular TV talk show last Monday night, a UPFA parliamentarian Wijedasa Rajapakse declared that the statement did not come from the Alliance but was one issued by Dhanapala. The imbroglio placed the Government in a dilemma. A failure to work out a joint mechanism would mean there would be no aid money from donor co chairs. Agreeing to such a "joint mechanism" would see the exit of the JVP, a move that would see the fall of the Government. For his part, Dhanapala was all out to issue another statement clarifying what was said by the Government Information Department. He was advised not to do so. Later, Dhanapala was to tell senior officials in the Peace Secretariat that he stood by the assertions made in that statement. He also disclosed he had received an assurance that Ministers Lakshman Kadirgamar and Mangala Samaraweera would talk to the JVP to make sure it is on board. Who gave him the assurance, was it President Kumaratunga or any other Cabinet Minister? He did not make that clear. It is in this backdrop that Ministers Kadirgamar and Samaraweera met President Kumaratunga for a meeting on Wenesday. Later, the Information Department issued another statement that spoke of "some confusion with regard to reasons for the failure to resume talks with the LTTE last year." The statement explained "the Government has agreed to the concept of setting up an Interim Authority within the context of negotiating a permanent settlement to the ethnic conflict, on the basis that an interim authority will be useful in a transitional period from a situation of conflict to one of democracy. Agreeing to negotiate an interim authority in such a context is very different from opening negotiation solely on the basis of the LTTE demand of the Interim Self Governing Authority, which prevents the re-opening of direct negotiations." The niceties of the English language are well reflected in the two statements. The first speaks of an offer to open direct negotiations with the LTTE and to proceed thereafter to negotiating a final settlement. The second whilst making no references to the earlier statement speaks of setting up an Interim Authority. It says such an authority will be useful "in a transitional period from a situation of conflict to one of democracy." Semantics apart, one is not sure which statement correctly reflects UPFA Government's policy better, the first or the second statement. If anything is made clear in the juggling of words, it is just the fact that the Government is not willing to talk only on the Interim Self Governing Authority with the LTTE. That has been said earlier and repeated this week. As for getting the JVP to fall in line with proposals for a "Joint Mechanism," Ministers Kadirgamar and Samaraweera were to talk with the JVP. The first round took place on Friday with JVP leaders Somawansa Amerasinghe and Wimal Weerawansa. The focus was on the second official statement of the Government. Amerasinghe took exception to the inclusion in the statement of remarks President Kumaratunga had made at the inauguration of the National Advisory Council on Peace and Reconciliation (NACPF) on October 4, last year. They related to the concept of an Interim Administration whilst a permanent solution is negotiated and implemented. Amerasinghe said this was the view of President Kumaratunga and not of the UPFA. Hence it was his view that the references should not have been included without the concurrence of the JVP. The meeting ended with the two sides agreeing to consult each other regularly on matters relating to official statements. The meeting showed there is no change of heart on the part of the JVP. Contrary to Dhanapala's and the Norwegian's expectations, they are still not willing to accept the "joint mechanism" proposals. This week, JVP leader, Somawansa Amerasinghe told The Sunday Times "The LTTE is not democratic. They are not elected. They do not represent anybody except their guns. They have not been subject to democratic criteria. In fact in the North and Tamil dominant areas in the East, there have been no proper elections. We cannot have a racist Hitler being handed power simply because he has the ability to kill any opposition." Whilst the JVP continues to oppose the move, Norway's Ambassador Hans Brattskar flew to Kilinochchi yesterday for a meeting with LTTE Political Wing leader, S.P. Thamilselvan. He is to further discuss the "joint mechanism" proposals ahead of an LTTE delegation visiting European capitals. Amerasinghe said: "Our Government is a coalition. We signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU). This includes a clause on the national question. There is explicit agreement to disagree. There was no disagreement before the elections among us about the validity of the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA). The UPFA came into being precisely because of our election campaign that the UNF-LTTE deal was illegal. The President dissolved then UNF Government because of the transgressions of sovereignty that had occurred. "In addition to several others, we have challenged the legality of the CFA in Courts and are awaiting a judgement. In our view the CFA is illegal. But we are strictly following the ceasefire and are committed to negotiations with the LTTE for a solution. In our view, any interim arrangement will be required only once the final agreement is reached. This is as a transitional arrangement. There is no room for any other interim arrangement. Asked whether reconstruction and rehabilitation work could be conducted without a joint mechanism, Amerasinghe replied: "There is well established and legal Government machinery that can undertake this task. Any disbursement to an inappropriate entity such as the LTTE would amount to an act of misappropriation of Government funds. We will consider any Government official delivering funds and resources to the LTTE or its front organisations as carrying out an illegal and unauthorised act. "Our party wishes to notify Government officials to report any such illegal disbursement to the audit and to the trade unions. Such officials can then be prosecuted under laws governing fraud, misuse or misappropriation of Government funds. We are asking for the continuation of democracy and the rule of law. The JVP will actively campaign against politicians who act arbitrarily and undemocratically." The recent weeks have shown how "joint mechanisms" can make or break Governments. For the UPFA and the LTTE on the one hand, and for President Kumaratunga and the JVP on the other, the 4.5 billion dollar question now hangs in the balance. |
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