A model of the Chinese built 122mm Howitzer, which intelligence sources say, have been acquired by the LTTE. This wheel mounted piece of artillery has a direct fire a range of 1000 metres or one kilometre.

Peace talks: LTTE not likely to respond soon
The outcome of last Thursday's inaugural session of Parliament, just three weeks after the celebrated victory of the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA) at the parliamentary elections, has turned sour for the new government.

If they failed to install their own nominee as Speaker, the humiliation of the Tiger guerrilla backed Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and their new adversary Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) supporting a rival candidate made it worse.

Details of the nine and a half hour drama began pouring into the Janadipathi Mandiraya almost as it occurred. The fact that these developments were first signs of UPFA Government's ambitious plans, particularly constitutional reforms, becoming pipe dreams was clear. The disappointing news, amidst speculation of cross over by some United National Party (UNP) parliamentarians, triggered off alarm bells in UPFA circles. The electoral gains that would have been a two thirds victory under the previous electoral system generated unprecedented euphoria. It had evaporated.

It is in this backdrop that President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga reached out to a phone to speak to Magne Kjell Bondevik, the Prime Minister of Norway amidst that Thursday night's crisis. Her UPFA Government, she told him, was prepared to resume peace talks with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). She wanted the Norwegian Government to resume their role as facilitator.

Earlier, she had spoken to Norwegian Ambassador in Sri Lanka, Hans Brattskar about the resumption of the peace process. According to diplomatic sources, the envoy is learnt to have urged her to send in a formal request in writing. This is much the same way President Kumaratunga invited the Norwegian Government to play the role of facilitators in 1999. Similarly, former Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe also made a written request from Norway to resume facilitation when the United National Front Government was voted to power at the December 2000 General Election. The request was made in early 2001.

Though resumption of peace talks with the LTTE was very much a part of UPFA's declared policy objective, since the April 2 parliamentary elections, there have been no formal announcement over the matter. Nor have there been any preparations towards it. So much so, there has been confusion over many issues. One is the reported remarks by Foreign Minister, Lakshman Kadirgamar that he envisaged an active role for India in the peace process. What this means has not been spelt out. The issue is sure to be clarified by Indian authorities when Mr. Kadirgamar arrives in New Delhi later next month for talks, his first since assuming office.

An earlier visit is being prevented by the impending parliamentary elections in India which is expected to conclude by mid may. Another is the future of the Secretariat Co-ordinating the Peace Process (SCOPP). This secretariat, set up by former Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremasinghe, has been functioning under the Prime Minister's office. Its head, Foreign Secretary Bernard Goonetilleke, now due for a diplomatic posting, has made clear he did not wish to continue. A UPFA peace negotiating team is yet to be named. Such a team may include members of its constituent partner, the Janatha Vimukthi Permanuna (JVP). Consequently, future negotiating strategy will have to essentially take into consideration JVP inputs. A refusal, like in the case of the composition of the cabinet, may lead to a delay or break down in talks.

Despite all the uncertainties created by this situation, the Government of Norway responded within hours of President Kumaratunga's sudden appeal to resume peace talks. An official statement issued by the Norwegian Prime Minister Office in Oslo said:

Date: 23 April, 2004
"Sri Lanka's president asks Norway to resume its role in the peace process" Sri Lanka's president Chandrika Kumaratunga phoned Prime Minister Kjell Magne Bondevik yesterday evening to request that Norway continue its role as impartial third-party facilitator in the peace process between the Sri Lanka government and the Tamil Tigers (LTTE).

"I said that Norway was prepared to continue as facilitator, providing that the LTTE also asks us to play this role," said Mr. Bondevik. "The Prime Minister thanked President Kumaratunga for the confidence she was showing in Norway.

"Once we have received a request to continue from both parties, the next step will be to consult with each of them on how the process can be brought forwards," said Prime Minister Bondevik."

It must be made clear that a sudden request to Norway does not mean peace talks could be resumed overnight. In fact the position was underscored by Norway's special envoy in the peace process, Erik Solheim.

He told The Sunday Times on the telephone from Oslo "the next step would be for a delegation from Norway to visit Sri Lanka. They will explore both with President Kumaratunga and the LTTE leadership on how to proceed." He, however, emphasised that no decision has yet been made on when a delegation from Norway would visit Sri Lanka or on the composition of the delegation itself. Here again, it would become incumbent on the part of the Norwegian facilitators to take note of new positions emerging from the UPFA Government.

That is not all. They will also have to take into consideration the new concerns of the LTTE, particularly those arising from the recent events where renegade Eastern “Commander” Karuna was ousted.

The Sunday Times learnt that the proposed Norwegian delegation would wish to talk at length with UPFA's negotiating team besides the LTTE leadership. Such a visit, therefore, would hinge to a larger degree on the UPFA Government getting its own act together for the peace process to resume. That would include resolving policy disagreements that exist between the SLFP and the JVP.

But a more important and significant question remains. That is the response of the LTTE leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran. The Sunday Times has learnt from authoritative sources that Mr. Prabhakaran is highly unlikely to respond favourably for an immediate resumption of the peace process. "He has a number of other urgent priorities to sort out before returning to the negotiating table," an LTTE source said. Hence face-to-face talks could be delayed by months if not more, the source added.

One of Mr. Prabhakaran's immediate priorities is the restoration of full military control in the East, particularly in the Batticaloa district. This is after his erstwhile confidante and eastern commander "Col. Karuna" beat a hasty retreat in the wake of an offensive by Mr. Prabhakaran's troops. The renegade leader, as revealed exclusively in these columns last week, destroyed the strong military machine he built in the Batticaloa district. He destroyed 120 mm mortar launchers (except for two that were captured by Mr. Prabhakaran's troops in the battles that followed the Verugal River crossing south of Trincomalee). He exploded ammunition dumps, set fire to fuel dumps and disbanded a 6,000 strong guerrilla force.

Some of Karuna's loyal military commanders including Rabet and Jim Kelly have already surrendered to Mr. Prabhakaran's troops. Yet, in some areas, small groups loyal to Karuna are offering resistance. This week there was a gun battle in the Beirut area of Batticaloa district where guerrillas loyal to Ramesh, the new military leader for Batticaloa-Ampara, were shot and wounded.

A massive manhunt has been launched to track down cadres loyal to Karuna. Cadres deployed in this task have also been asked to look for weapons caches hidden by Karuna and his troops before they fled to safety in the south. He still remains in a secret location though there have been speculation he had fled the country.

Another priority for Mr. Prabhakaran, LTTE sources say, are the developments that have emerged after general elections on April 2. "The ninety per cent voter turn out," these sources argue have " fully endorsed the four principles enunciated by the LTTE." They are (1) The LTTE is the sole representative of the Tamil people. (2) Tamils are a nation. (3) Tamils have a right to self determination. The concept of a homeland with the North-East merger has to be recognised. (4) The international community should bring pressure on the Government that is being voted to power at the elections to accept the LTTE proposals for an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA).

In the wake of this situation it will not be surprising if the LTTE lays down specific pre conditions which it will ask the UPFA to fulfil for the resumption of peace talks. Whilst the exact form and content of such pre-conditions are not clear, it is expected to encompass what the LTTE calls the "four principles for which it had won endorsement from the Tamil people of the North-East." In addition, it will also insist on ISGA being the only basis for future negotiations. Other pre-conditions are likely to include withdrawal of Security Forces from the High Security Zones (HSZ) for the speedy return of civilians and rehabilitation work in war torn areas.

Further exacerbating the LTTE stance is the perceived notion in the Wanni that President Kumaratunga's administration had tacitly provided support to renegade eastern leader Karuna - a fact which the Ministry of Defence in Colombo has officially denied. Despite this denial, there has been increasing apprehension in LTTE circles.

If this has angered Mr. Prabhakaran, a senior Defence Ministry official told Security Forces chiefs, "we missed out a golden opportunity" during the internal feuding. He was of the view that the security forces should have exploited the situation further and more thoroughly. The official made the remarks whilst the service chiefs were waiting for a meeting with President Kumaratunga at Janadipathi Mandiraya last Sunday.

In essence, the UPFA had ended up being losers on both sides.One was irking Mr. Prabhakaran. The other was earning accusations that not enough was done to help Karuna to stand up to the Wanni leadership.

As repeatedly pointed out in these columns, President Kumaratunga has been devoting most of her time to political issues in the recent past. Hence, she has not been in a position to fully exercise her role as Defence Minister. She has no Deputy. The task of running the day to day affairs of the defence establishment has fallen on former Police Chief and intelligence boss, Cyril Herath. With little or no experience, he has remained in office only for a little over six months.

How the UPFA Government with the lack a cohesive approach, will cope with all these issues in the coming weeks is not clear. Since being voted to power, its approach to a number of issues has either been ad hoc or without any studied focus. They include both security and political issues. On the security front, the best example is the Prabhakaran-Karuna feud where the defence establishment was caught flat footed. Glaring examples on the political front include the ongoing tussle between the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) leadership over Ministerial portfolios.

Members of the JVP are yet to take their oaths. Almost a month after polls a full Government is not in place, leave alone the question of whether there is stability or otherwise. Would this not give LTTE the handle to ask how they could negotiate peace with a UPFA Government which has no power in Parliament. How could such a Government deliver once any agreement is reached, is a question the LTTE could justifiably ask. Another is the humiliating debacle over the election of a Speaker.

Nowhere is the ad hoc and the unprepared ness of the UPFA Government better reflected than in the sphere of defence - a subject which President Kumaratunga took over from the previous United National Front Government on the grounds that national security interests were jeopardised. If she did not appoint a Deputy Minister of Defence then, she has not done so even after the UPFA Government was voted to power three weeks ago.

The continuing irony of the situation was further underscored when she presided over at a top level security conference at the Janadipathi Mandiraya last Sunday. President Kumaratunga was prompted to take note of the failure of the defence establishment over aspects relating to national security and the Prabhakaran-Karuna clash.

It came during a briefing she received from Major General Nanda Mallawaratchchi, Security Forces Commander East, on the aftermath in the Batticaloa district following Karuna's defeat. Taking part in the conference were Cyril Herath (Defence Secretary), Lt. Gen. Lionel Balagalle (Chief of Defence Staff and Army Commander), Vice Admiral Daya Sandagiri (Navy Commander), Air Marshal Donald Perera (Air Force Commander), Maj. Gen. Sunil Tennekoon (GOC 22 Division), Brigadier Vajira Wijegoonewardena (officiating GOC 23 Division), Rear Admiral Upali Ranaweera, (Commander, Eastern Naval Area) and top officials of the intelligence community.

Maj. Gen. Mallawaratchchi, The Sunday Times learnt gave a detailed account of how Mr. Prabhakaran was re-building his military machine in the Batticaloa district after it had been destroyed by Karuna. This included the induction of both cadres and military hardware. On one occasion 200 cadres from the Wanni had moved into the Batticaloa district.

This was after defying four soldiers who had tried to prevent them from crossing Security Forces controlled areas. Another estimated 400 have been prevented from crossing following fortifications made by the Security Forces. One such blocking had taken place at Kahatagasdigiliya whilst the other had been south of Trincomalee. But this has not led to a stoppage of the inducting of cadres. Small groups were still coming from Wanni via the controlled areas.

Maj. Gen. Mallawaratchchi also pointed out the hardships faced by Security Forces personnel. For more than two years after the ceasefire, some of the urgent needs of the personnel including equipment requirements have not yet been met.

It was revealed that protests had been lodged with the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM). One such protest had been lodged verbally by Defence Secretary Cyril Herath soon after clashes broke out between Wanni troops and Karuna's supporters. This had been followed up by a letter Chief of Defence Staff (and Army Commander) Lt. Gen. Balagalle writing to Defence Secretary with copies to the SLMM and SCOPP on the same matter. Later, protests have also been lodged over unauthorised movements which were a violation of the Ceasefire Agreement.

Barring unauthorised crossings of a large number of cadres, the LTTE had sought the permission of the Ministry of Defence whenever their leaders moved out. The most recent request for approval was for the movement of Ramesh, the newly appointed "Special Commander" for Batticaloa district. He sought approval to proceed to Wanni accompanied by 19 other cadres. Though permission was granted, only 13 went along unarmed. They were accompanied by SLMM officials and escorted by Security Forces personnel. However, on the return journey though permission was granted for 20 persons together to return with Ramesh, 23 came back to Batticaloa. No objections were raised by the Security Forces over the additional number.

Besides the movement of large number of unauthorised cadres from the Wanni, another disturbing development that is worrying security the establishment is the continuing weapons build up by the LTTE. It has now come to light that consignments of weapons unloaded into smaller fishing craft have been smuggled into the Silavathurai area, south of Mannar. Thereafter, they have been unloaded and transported by road to the Wanni. Among such items have been small arms, ammunition and artillery shells. Earlier intelligence reports have also confirmed that the LTTE has for the first time acquired Chinese built 122 mm artillery (howitzers)during the ceasefire. See picture of the model on this page.

Early this week Army and Police personnel guarding a check-point in the Mannar area inspected a tipper loaded with sand. It came to light that a consignment of silencers for Chinese built T-56 assault rifles, which had been unloaded in a coastal area south of Mannar, was being transported to the Wanni concealed in the sand ostensibly meant for construction work.

Intelligence sources say that large consignments of Chinese made weapons had been smuggled in. However, these sources say they did not arrive from China but had been obtained from illegal arms dealers in Kampuchea. A top level investigation is now under way into this discovery.

If the weapons build up has become a subject of serious concern, of equal concern has become the concentration of intelligence wing and pistol gangs hunting for Karuna and his confidantes in the City and suburbs. The build up has seen intelligence warnings to some top security forces officials and politicians. They have been warned to enhance their security since the pistol gangs were hell bent on carrying out some dramatic attacks in the City and suburbs.

With little or no control prevailing over the defence establishment, it has now become almost a culture to react only after incidents occur. That again is through top level conferences where matters are discussed but no follow up action taken. The cycle continues as more uncertainty looms large for Sri Lanka.

Conspiracy after the safehouse raid
A top level Police inquiry into the Police raid on the Army's Safe House in the Millennium City at Athurugiriya has uncovered detailed evidence pointing to a conspiracy after the event.

This conspiracy has been aimed at not only covering up facts relating to the Safe House (an intelligence cell operated by the Army's Directorate of Military Intelligence) but also to implicate certain politicians and military leaders, The Sunday Times learns. Statements given to the team by some of those interviewed provide details of this conspiracy.

After these findings were brought to the attention of higher authorities, instructions have now gone out to the investigating team to go deeper into this aspect. The statements of several military personnel and officials are to be recorded shortly.

The ten member Police team conducting the raid is headed by Senior Superintendent of Police, Asoka Wijetilleke. He is assisted by ASP Neville Guruge . A team of three Inspectors, two Sub Inspectors, a Sergeant Major, a Sergeant and Woman Police Constable from the CID are assisting the team.

The Sunday Times has learnt that the special investigation team has taken into possession a letter written by then Superintendent of Police, Kulasiri Udugampola to the Ministry of Internal Security, asking that he be conferred powers to issue Detention Orders.

The request has been made after then Defence Minister, Tilak Marpana, turned down a Police request to extend the detention of the Army personnel and a civilian helper involved in the Safe House raid under the Prevention of Terrorism Act.

Mr Udugampola who conducted the raid is now under interdiction. The special team has already recorded his statement with regard to of the raid. He is expected to be questioned again in respect of the letter he wrote asking for powers under the PTA to issue Detention Orders.


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