The cover up of a Tiger build up in Trincomalee

Peace talks between the UNF Government and Tiger guerrillas may remain suspended since April, this year, but Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict continues to echo more than usual in many world capitals.

In the French capital of Paris, leader of the Political Wing of Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) S.P Tamilselvan met with "constitutional affairs" delegates to discuss their response to the UNF's proposal for an Interim Administration. In the neighbouring United Kingdom's capital of London, in an unexpected development, LTTE Chief Negotiator, Anton Balasingham kept himself out. The event was held in Paris to facilitate his participation, despite his reported illness, since it was less than an hour's flying time from London.

Whilst in London, I learnt Mr. Balasingham kept himself virtually incommunicado. Though he was at home, an answering machine took care of his telephone calls. "He was in no way associated with the deliberations," said a source in London familiar with his routine.

Needless to say this raises fresh questions. Earlier, reasons of reportedly failing health ruled out his visits from London to Wanni for consultations with LTTE leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran and restricted his role to what was described as a "resource person." Yet, he was in the loop. And now, has he ceased to be that too? Sources close to the high profile guerrilla ideologue, who has won plaudits from his UNF negotiating counterparts for his moderation and pleasing ways, seem to think so.

The matter gains added significance, according to same sources, in view of his reluctance to entertain at home even the London based guerrilla leaders during the period of Paris talks. Does that mean a seasoned moderate guerrilla chief negotiator will now give way to a hard line, tough talking bargainer? A case of not only a changing phase of future peace talks but also one of changing faces.

In the breathtakingly picturesque Norwegian capital of Oslo, which I visited, most were taking advantage of the exceptionally good summer. Those at the Foreign Ministry were busy with annual consultations of the country's envoy's abroad. For those in the political establishment there was another pre-occupation - the local government elections. The event is keenly fought out by rival political parties. The outcome brings to the fore future national leaders who guide the destinies of a nation of four and half million people.

A few days ago, the UNF Government's Minister for Community Development, Periyasamy Chandrasekeran, took the Norwegian Government by surprise. On a visit to Oslo, he appeared on an election platform of the opposition Labour Party to appeal to Tamils in Norway to vote for LTTE's Rajah Balasingham alias Baskaran. He is contesting on the Labour Party ticket for the Oslo Municipality.

At a rally organised by the Norway Tamil Sangam, the sponsors of Mr. Chandrasekeran's visit, the UNF Minister sat next to Labour Party leader and former Norwegian Prime Minister, Jens Stoltenberg. It was during his tenure that Norway officially nominated Erik Solheim to facilitate the peace process. Mr. Chandrasekeran told the gathering Tiger leader Velupillai Prabhakaran took the correct path by responding with violence against what he called a systematic suppression of Tamils by the Sinhala majority.

Forty six year old Mr. Chandrasekeran, leader for the Up Country People's Front, has been a staunch campaigner for a separate administrative unit in the hill country plantation sector. He was detained during the previous UNP Government under the Prevention of Terrorism Act but was later cleared by courts.

He told the rally that Tamil voters in Oslo should vote for Mr. Balasingham to enable him to serve the community better. He showered praise on Mr. Prabhakaran for placing Tamils on the world map and declared he (the LTTE leader) certainly knew how to communicate with the gun.

Mr. Chandrasekeran's appeal to Norwegian Tamils came amidst poll survey predictions that the majority of moderate electors with Asian, African and Latin American descent would vote Social Left Party. Special Envoy Erik Solheim, is a front line leader of this party.

Mr. Solheim and State Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Vidar Helgesson made clear in the polls campaign that their parties did not have any truck with Mr. Balasingham. Mr. Solheim also made the point during visits to Tamil households seeking their support for his party.

Mr. Helgesson is from the Conservative Party who together with the Christian Democrats and the Liberal Party forms the coalition government of Prime Minister Kjell Bondevik. The latter is from the Christian Democrats whilst Foreign Minister, Jan Peterson, like his deputy, is from the Conservative Party. It must be emphasised that though they belong to different political parties, they support each other in peace facilitation efforts made by Norway.

Mr. Chandrasekeran also called on both Mr. Helgesson and Mr. Solheim. They discussed matters relating to the peace process. He also met LTTE representatives in Norway to discuss strategies of his own party and how it could extend support to Tiger guerrillas. Though he planned to return to Sri Lanka after the Oslo visit, he changed his itinerary and flew to Paris where he met LTTE representatives there.

Mr. Balasingham who sought asylum after arriving in Norway is a staunch supporter of the LTTE. He was a member of the LTTE Political Committee that visited Scandinavian countries in March/April this year. According to documents with the SCOPP (Secretariat Co-ordinating the Peace Process), he is one of three members of LTTE's Political Committee assigned to study the federal system. He was also the leader of the LTTE team in Norway cleared by authorities in Oslo to liaise with Tiger guerrilla delegation attending the Oslo peace talks in November 2002.

In an interview with Aftenposten, one of Norway's oldest and leading national language newspapers, Mr. Balasingham denied he was a member of the LTTE. "I am only a member of the Tamil Co-operation Council (TCC), which is actively promoting the cause of self-governance for Tamils," he was quoted as saying. However, the local leader of the Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation (TRO), Thurairajah Sangaran, when questioned by Aftenposten, admitted the TCC is raising funds for the LTTE.

The Secretary of the Labour Party in Oslo, Jan Behler was quoted by Aftenposten as saying "Balasingham assured us he is not a member of the LTTE and that he is not collecting money for the Tamil Tigers. He just sympathises with their cause. Hence, his alleged links are not a problem for us."

The outcome of the Oslo Municipality polls on September 15 nothwithstanding, State Secretary Helgesson and Special Envoy Solheim will arrive in Colombo next week on a three day visit. It is said to focus on logistical and other matters after the guerrilla response to UNF's proposals are received. This response is not likely during the duo's stay in Colombo.

During their stay, they are expected to discuss with both the UNF and LTTE leaders the venue for the next round of peace talks. Among the locations that are available for consideration, it is learnt, are Geneva, Paris, Oslo, Rome, Berlin and of course Bangkok. They are also expected to take up with guerrilla leaders complaints of killings of security forces informants as well as the Manirasakulam (Kuranku Paanchan Kulam) LTTE camp, which the SLMM (Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission) has determined is in Government held territory. The Norwegian facilitators are said to be keen to ensure a more effective and credible role for the SLMM to enable future rounds of talks to take place in a less contentious atmosphere.

The Sunday Times learns that a comprehensive response from the LTTE will be made available to Norwegian facilitators (for onward transmission to UNF leadership) by the end of this month, possibly on September 25. It would thus have to await the return to Sri Lanka of Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremasinghe, who is due in New York to address the United Nations General Assembly. He is expected to return on September 29.

Both UNF Government and LTTE representatives were in the Swiss town of Berne studying the federal system and the mechanisms of power sharing. Bernard Goonetilleke, who is due to assume duties as Foreign Secretary and head of LTTE's Peace secretariat, Prabhagaran alias Pulithevan were involved in the exercise. This is pursuant to the Oslo peace talks in November, last year, where the LTTE declared its willingness to consider a federal alternative to a separate state.

Mr. Pulithevan returned to Colombo yesterday accompanied by two female colleagues. As usual, his baggage contained 14 packages. Alarm bells began to ring over what they contained. Orders went down from the highest levels to conduct a thorough check on what they contained. Both Gamini Abeyratne, Director (Operations) at the Bandaranaike International Airport and Wing Commander Vijitha Gunaratne, the senior Air Force officer in charge were present as x-ray machines scanned the packages.

They were said to contain personal items including non fat yoghurt. The two also ensured a Customs declaration was made and the packages were checked by the Bomb Disposal Squad. The LTTE trio were later air lifted by Air Force helicopter to the Wanni. This was after Mr. Pulithevan expressed reluctance to travel by road with armed escort.

According to credible reports from Wanni, the LTTE response will have both good and bad news for the UNF. The good news is that the proposals will be within the confines of a united Sri Lanka. The bad news - there will be a host of guerrilla demands including the right for an interim administrative mechanism they will inherit to generate their own revenue, recognition for their "land, sea and police forces," right to land use in the areas they hold and recognition for their own "judicial and administrative systems."

A preamble in the LTTE response, according to these reports, will set out the "background and reasons" why the demands are being made incorporating two power centres, one in Colombo and another in the Wanni. Hence, the LTTE response will see the emergence of core issues. The question then would be how much a government could concede and whether that would satisfy the LTTE. Their response in the form of a comprehensive set of proposals is for the first time in the history of the conflict.

In fact how crucial this would be was underscored last week by Premier Wickremasinghe when he addressed a news conference in the Malaysian capital of Kuala Lumpur. He said the peace talks had reached a serious stage where substantial issues would have to be discussed.

In the United States capital of Washington D.C, these developments have come under close scrutiny by the George W. Bush administration. This is because the State Department's list of proscribed terrorist organisations comes up for review in the first week of October. The US has repeatedly urged the LTTE to renounce violence to exclude them from proscription. On the other hand, the US which has expressed full support for the Government's peace efforts wants to refrain from any action that would affect the process. In this backdrop, a re-iteration of the US demand to the LTTE to renounce violence is not being ruled out.

It was only last Thursday United States marked the second anniversary of the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre in New York and the Pentagon in Washington. Hijackers flew aircraft there and to a field in Pennsylvania. The unprecedented human tragedy it caused saw the US launch its "war on terror" and declare a new philosophy - "you are with us, or against us."

Unfortunately it was not just the "GI Joes" who launched this war on terror in some parts of the globe. Whether this happened in other parts of the world, or for that matter in Asia, is not clear. But there were the odd few in Colombo who recklessly followed that approach even in the field of diplomacy - a striking contrast with their colleagues of the past whose quest to win friends and influence people are still being talked of.

The philosophy of "you are with us, or against us," sad enough, extended even to those charged with communications and public relations exercises. Their conduct reminded one of the pre-independence era in Ceylon (as Sri Lanka was then known), when our colonial masters dealt with the locals solely through their sycophantic Aratchis and Vidanes. In similar fashion, these information experts remained elusive and used only their domestic staff to deal with the locals. Must one speak of bruising good relations when the task is to build them?

Now that Charlotte Beers is no longer in that job in the State Department in Washington, whoever becomes Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs, sure has a case to go into. Only such a person can ascertain whether the new attitudes are solely for small natives in Sri Lanka or are a sign that is endemic of the new image the world's only remaining super power is acquiring in the Third World.

However, one thing salutary in this regard comes in the form of the new US Ambassador designate to Sri Lanka, Jeffrey J. Lunstead and his deputy, James Entwistle. Some of the local dignitaries who received introductory calls on them speak of an express commitment by the duo to deal with all arms of the Government and to reach out to the people of Sri Lanka.

In this backdrop, the controversy between the UNF Government and the People's Alliance over threats posed to the strategic Trincomalee port by the LTTE rose to newer heights this week. Government's chief peace negotiator and spokesman, Prof. G.L. Peiris denied that new guerrilla camps have come up to encircle Trincomalee. "Apart from Manirasakulam (Kuranku Paanchan Kulam), in all other cases the camps were in existence before the Ceasefire Agreement was signed or it was set up not in areas dominated by the Government of Sri Lanka," he declared.

See box story on below for edited excerpts from a tape recorded script of Prof. Peiris' comments at his regular news conference on Thursday. "Spoilers have begun to work when positive results were manifest in the peace talks," he said in a veiled reference chiding his one time Cabinet colleague and now adversary Lakshman Kadirgamar, international affairs advisor to the President. The former Foreign Minister had raised issue during a tour of India and later in Sri Lanka during a briefing to selected publishers and editors earning accusations from some cabinet ministers. He was accused of criticising the Government whilst enjoying the benefit of security from Army commandos and an official bungalow.

The world "spoiler" is often used liberally by UNF leaders as a tar brush to tarnish anyone expounding contrary views. Even some references made in these columns, not sweet music to the ears of UNF leaders, qualified for those epithets some time ago.
Be that as it may, the People's Alliance also appears to have caused a colossal blunder. They failed to formally raise issue with the UNF Government over the Trincomalee controversy, which they quite rightly regarded, is a matter of serious threat to national security interests. This is glaring when compared to other issues, some of them mundane that have been publicly raised. Little wonder they have to face UNF accusations over the motive behind the campaign. To say the least, this is unforgivable.

But that is not to say Prof. Peiris' declarations at the news conference are synonymous with facts or his own credibility. They have been at variance at most times. This time, however, the gulf is enormously wide. So much so, a futile and sloppy attempt has been made to convert fact into fiction, to ridicule reality and publicly concede a land mass dominated by the security forces (except Manirasakulam) as LTTE territory. The fact that it comes from the UNF's chief peace negotiator, a senior cabinet minister and a learned professor of law compounds the situation.

The PA raised issue barely five weeks after exclusive revelations in The Sunday Times (Situation Report - August 3) about the gradual transformation of the landscape around Trincomalee with guerrillas opening new military camps, re-occupying ones abandoned and setting up sattelite camps around bases that existed. Some UNF media spin doctors who were unable to grasp the accompanying map in this report claimed it was based on one formulated by the Navy. For those who saw the Navy map on this page last week, how futile this misleading propaganda is abundantly clear. So much for the media spin masters of the UNF.

PA spokesman Sarath Amunugama, who countered Prof. Peiris' declarations at a news conference on Friday, said "we are facing a serious situation today. The Navy spokesman has clearly contradicted the Prime Minister and the Minister of Defence. They took up the position they were not aware of recent developments."

Mr. Amunugama made two important points: (1) Tri service commanders of United States (PACOM - Pacific Command) had handed over a report to the Government in October, last year, concerning Trincomalee. (2) The Army Commander, Lt. Gen. Lionel Balagalle had also submitted a report on the same subject.

An investigation by The Sunday Times revealed the facts were mostly different to what was set out by Dr. Amunugama. However, they clearly disproved the contentions of Prof. Peiris. Here are the findings:

Just seven months after the Government-LTTE Ceasefire Agreement was signed, (in September 2002), United States Defence Attache in Sri Lanka, Lt. Col. Richard Girven, arranged with the Ministry of Defence in Colombo for an Assessment Team from the United States Pacific Command (PACOM), headquartered in Hawaii, to visit Sri Lanka. The team was to look at the Army, Navy and Air Force from the operational and tactical levels, determine the capabilities, needs and requirements of each. Five officers who formed an advisory party of the Commander-in-Chief of PACOM arrived first followed by 21 officers in late September.

The team was led by Colonel John A. Kardos from the PACOM and comprised: Lt. Col. Joel E. Johnson (US Army), Commander Louis M. Meir (US NAVY), Lt. Col. Martin Mcnamara (US Air Force), Maj. Philip L. Turner (US Air Force - FAO-XO), Maj. James B. Koerber (Asst. Ground Operations - US Marines), Lieut. Cmdr. William Jewett (Surface Special Warfare), Lt. David Silverman (Special Warfare), Maj. Richard N. Shizuru (Aviation Operations), Maj. Anthony Abati (Counter Terrorist Operations), Maj. Jeffrey Prough (Counter Insurgency Operations), Signalman Eric V. Hill (Assistant Counter Insurgency Operations), Lt. Col. Christopher Keast (Operations Intelligence), CW3 William Ostrowski (Counter Insurgency - Intelligence), CW4 Robert L. Pierson (Civil Affairs), Captain Jay Ball (Psychological Operations), Maj. Jeffrey L. Lepak (Communications), Maj. David A. Ottignon (Engineer), Lt. Col. Michael K. Baisden (Logistics), CW3 Thomas Pigorsh (Assistant Logistics), SFC Michael Clark (Communications Specialist), SFC Leonard H. Omelles (Communications Specialist), SFC William S. Glenn (Medical), Maj. William B. Downs (Special Operations - Aviation), SFC Jeremy A Burke (Small Unit Tactics) and Captain Jeremiah Lumbaca (Embassy LNO).

The PACOM team which was in Sri Lanka from September 30 to October 10, 2002, made a comprehensive study of the Army, Navy and Air Force. This was after visiting all their important installations. The Sunday Times has seen a copy of their weighty report. Commenting on the Navy, this is what the PACOM report has to say:
"Trincomalee Harbour Defence.

"Discussion: The most important base for the SLN is without question Trincomalee Harbour. Currently, the LTTE control the southern portion of the Harbour. From this area, the LTTE have effectively monitored all ship movement in and out of the Harbour, launch suicide and artillery attacks against the Naval Base and could potentially destroy any vessel coming in and out of the harbour. The SL Army is responsible for this area but they have been unable to completely secure it.

"Recommendations: a. The SL Defence force must secure this land area. The vulnerable position that currently exists could essentially level the majority of the SLN fleet. The result would be that the only re-supply capability for the Jaffna Peninsula would have to come from Colombo, more than four times the distance to Jaffna.

"b. Currently there are designated areas for the LTTE and areas for the SL Defence forces. If the southern tip of Trincomalee Harbour has not been designated for the LTTE, it more than likely isn't, then the SL government should be massing police and military personnel in this area in case the hostilities resume.

"c. Without control of this area the defence of Trincomalee Harbour will always be a losing battle. Without Trincomalee Harbour the ability to prosecute the war would be detrimentally affected."

Army Commander Lt. Gen. Balagalle did not submit a report on the Trincomalee issue as claimed by Dr. Amunugama. The Sunday Times learnt that a four page report (together with a map) had in fact been sent to the Ministry of Defence just two days before Prof. Peiris' press conference. It had been formulated by the office of Major General Chula Seneviratne, Director General - General Staff (DGGS) at Army Headquarters. This was in consultation with Naval intelligence.

Maj. Gen. Seneviratne’s report, The Sunday Times learnt had made clear that "exploiting the position of troops not operating in the jungles after the MoU (Ceasefire Agreement) was signed, LTTE converted their temporary makeshift bases into permanent camps. In addition, they established new camps in the Trincomalee area."

He is learnt to have marked out the details of makeshift camps before the Ceasefire Agreement and the newly established camps in a map provided to the Ministry of Defence. That clearly proves Prof. Peiris' assertions completely wrong and misleading.
If the Navy has contended that there were 13 new camps, the Army has said there were five makeshift camps and 12 newly established camps in the Trincomalee area. In addition, it has pointed out, there were unconfirmed reports of the existence of at least five camps.

That is not all. Defence Secretary, Austin Fernando, who conducts regular meetings with the Head of the SLMM, Gen. Tryggve Tellefsen, has repeatedly raised the issue of newly opened camps in the Trincomalee sector. The Sunday Times has seen several copies of minutes of such meetings where reference is made.

This is what one such minute says: "S/MOD reminded that action has to be pursued with the LTTE for them to leave Wan Ela camp. He further informed HOM/SLMM that there is unconfirmed information that a new camp is being constructed by the LTTE, south/south east of Wan Ela Camp, on a 10 acre plot of land belonging to a Muslim person from Kinniya. He stated that even in the uncleared areas, for the LTTE to establish new camps is a violation. He promised to give more details on this camp in due course. HOM/SLMM said that he would inquire into this case and other instances where such reporting is made."

More reports that run counter to the claims of Prof. Peris have come from the Directorate of Internal Intelligence (DII), the country's premier national intelligence agency. The Sunday Times has seen several such reports. Excerpts from one recent report makes the point:

"Information revealed that, since end-August 2003, coinciding with their military preparedness, the LTTE is hoarding essentials comprising dry-rations and fuel in the north and east especially at the newly constructed warehouses at Sathathiapuram and Vallipuram in Mullaitivu, in the Wanni, in Upparu and Sampur areas in Trincomalee south ….

"The LTTE has established a new Base consisting 20 armed cadres under Parimalan in the un-cleared areas in Uppuweli in Trincomalee south… The fact that armed cadres of the LTTE are being prepared to back up their political demands has been made clear by guerrilla leader, Mr. Prabhakaran long before the signing of the Ceasefire Agreement. The guerrilla activities clearly indicate hollowness in their pledges for peace.

Regrettably the UNF Government remains both supine and blind to threats posed by the LTTE which have been gradually escalating from seemingly innocuous demands to grave national security threats. The only concerted effort that is being made is to keep the truth away from the public.

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