Seivakumar Paramamoorthy Thamilchelvan

Two men in their twenties, in striped green fatigues, stood guard outside the conference hall, part of the Political Office complex of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Located some 200 metres away off the Alpha Nine (A-9) highway at Kilinochchi, a dusty gravel road separates it from a flag post and parade area. It also houses a memorial to "martyred" cadres.

The youth are neatly dressed and wear military boots. Strung along the right side of their waists in black holsters are Czech made CZ 85 automatic pistols. On the left side, two holsters each, carry additional 9mm magazines.

As Selvakumar Paramamoorthy Thamilchelvan emerges, they stamp their right foot on the ground. In clockwise precision they angle their Russian built Kalashnikov (AK 47) assault rifles horizontally across their bodies to attention. They were recognizing the leader of the LTTE Political Wing. Since guns felt silent in the North and East with the cessation of hostilities last December, he has been the top most LTTE leader in public focus in the peace process with UNF Government.

The top notch guerrilla leader now waging peace was a hardened, one time battle commander in charge of Thenmaratchi in the Jaffna peninsula. He sustained a leg injury on September 28, 1993, the day troops launched "Operation Yal Devi" to "destroy boat landing points and allied facilities used by the LTTE in area Kilali" (near Pooneryn).

Last Wednesday, Tiger guerrillas went through the ritual many a time for Mr.Thamilchelvan was engaged in a series of meetings. He had walked to the entrance of the conference hall to say goodbye to Ruth Archibald, the Canadian High Commissioner in Sri Lanka. She was locked in a discussion with him for over an hour.
After she had left, he received me with a hand shake. He guided me to an air conditioned hall (powered by a generator) - the same venue where his leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, sat down with Norwegian negotiators to begin the peace process. Acoustics in the hall are all well laid. Lighting systems for video filming are on hand. So are tripods for still cameras.

There, during a 90 minute meeting, Mr. Thamilchelvan answered questions posed by The Sunday Times through an English translator. It began with a clarification on what was called "a regular mistake" by the Colombo media - he was not Thamilchelvam but Thamilchelvan. "Perhaps, like in the case of (the late) Neelan Tiruchelvam, the media assumed he was Thamilchelvam," explained the translator who asserted "this should be corrected."

Here are excerpts from the interview with Mr. Thamilchelvan:

Q: Before last December, the LTTE offered a unilateral cessation of hostilities on two previous occasions. One was in 2000. The other was in 2001 after your cadres withdrew from Ariyalai and Tanankilappu (Jaffna peninsula). Can you briefly explain the background and how the latest Ceasefire Agreement came about?

A:The previous ceasefires, including our withdrawal from Ariyalai and Thana-nkilappu, were different in many ways. Most importantly, our initiatives were misconstrued by the (then) Government or misinterpreted. It was wrongly perceived that we were weak and therefore offered to end hostilities and hold peace talks. On the second occasion, too, the (then) Government failed to seize the opportunity for the same reason. This time around, the (UNF) Government has accepted the offer and we are involved in the peace process. This reflects reality.

The previous Government of President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga was not that serious and not genuinely interested in peace. She was prosecuting war under the guise of calling it "war for peace." Though she was voted to power with a mandate to seek peace, she did not offer a viable solution to the Tamil problem. The incumbent Government, having learnt from that experience, has made a radical change in the atmosphere.

The intention of President Kumaratunga, when her Governnment was in power, was focused on weakening the LTTE. By weaking us, she was under the impression that she can isolate the Tamil nation from the political and military organization that was fighting for the rights of the Tamil people. She had a different agenda. Double talk was her theme.

The overwhelming mandate given by the electorates, both in the south as well as in the north, and the interest focused by the international community have all culminated in the incumbent Government realizing the ground situation. The Sinhala electorate has given a very clear mandate to the people in governance for peace and stability.

Q: Your Chief Negotiator, Anton Balasingham, has accused the Government of not fulfilling the provisions of the Ceasefire Agreement. Why do you say so and where has the Government failed?

A: Unlike previous ones, this Ceasefire Agreement has some specific features that stand out. Both parties agreed on the provisions after discussing the pros and cons.
Both parties have agreed to abide by the provisions, the letter and the spirit of the CFA (Ceasefire Agreement). They have placed their signatures. We have agreed to specific time frames such as 30 days, 60 days, 90 days and so on from D-Day when the CFA was signed. Both sides are committed to accomplish the provisions within the time frame specified. That is how we agreed to bring back normalcy.

Accordingly, the military which has occupied places of worship should vacate at the end of 30 days. They have to, at the end of 60 days, review the situation regarding their presence in densely populated areas. Check points and body checks have instilled fear in the minds of the Tamil public. There have also been fears of harassment. They should be removed.

Except for limited restrictions agreed upon, the total ban on fishing would have to be lifted at the end of 90 days. These and some other salient features have not been accomplished within the specified time frame.

Q: Did you raise these issues with the head of the "Peace Secretariat," Bernard Gunathilake, when he met you in Kilinochchi?

A:Yes, we did bring it to his notice. Before doing so, from time to time, we have also drawn the attention of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM). Our observation has been that the intentions of those in governance have been very unambiguous.

But the voices emanating from the military from time to time, from different locations, have been on a very discordant note. They are not at all compatible with the provisions or intentions of the CFA.

I can cite one instance. Upon completion of D-Day plus 30, political cadres, though limited in number, were permitted entry and access to areas under the Government.
They are allowed the freedom of movement to engage in political work. However, they were not allowed into the islands outlying the Jaffna peninsula. This is contrary to the provisions of CFA.

Q: Can you say which arm of the military is responsible for this action?

A: We would say the Sri Lanka Army, as a unit, has to a certain extent fulfilled its obligations vis- a- vis the CFA though there were certain lapses. But the main unit which stands in the way and is an impediment is the Navy.

They are acting in the most contradictory manner in preventing our cadres from engaging in political activity or in fishing as provided for in the CFA. The Navy Northern Commander's statements and pronouncements have not been consonant with the spirit of the CFA, the intention of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe or his Cabinet. There have been a lot of loud noises by the Navy Commander who is also going against the spirit of the CFA.

Q: What do you say about de-proscription of the LTTE and the demand for an Interim Administration?

A: The request for de-proscription is based on a very crucial factor, the legitimacy of an organisation acknowledged and recognized as a signatory to an agreement between the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka and the leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. This alone does not give legality and legitimate status for the LTTE to participate in any meaningful negotiations. That can be set aside if there is judicial reference. Therefore the question of legitimacy becomes important to the LTTE.

The theme of the CFA itself has been that the people have been affected by war. They need a respite from the devastation it has caused. Most of them have lost their livelihood, lost their next of kin or breadwinners. There is a need to uplift their lives, to re-settle, to rehabilitate etc.

It becomes very essential before we get into meaningful negotiations towards a lasting political solution. That can be achieved only through an administration carried out by their own administrators, the LTTE. The Tamil people consider the LTTE their political masters or rather their political representatives.

Hence an Interim Administration is also a crucial thing. Both are linked to each other. They are inter-twined.

De-proscription is for legitimacy and an Interim Administration is to establish a means to alleviate the problems of the people who are suffering for nearly two decades.

Q: Have you been assured these demands would be granted before talks could begin in Thailand?

A: The Government side, including Premier Wickremesinghe, long before the General Election has pledged that if the issue of proscription becomes an impediment to peace, they would remove it. They have also agreed to an Interim Administration. Even after the elections, they have declared their willingness to consider de-proscription and an Interim Administration. It had been talked about though we did not discuss face to face with the Government. This is something the Government will have to favourably consider if they are really interested in bringing about a lasting solution to the Tamil problem.

Q: Can peace talks get under way in Thailand, as scheduled, in June?

A: De-proscription and an Interim Administration are two important ingredients. We have reiterated the position that fulfilling all what has been enshrined in the CFA, which was the result of lengthy discussion, is essential. We said this to Royal Norwegian and the Sri Lanka Governments. They seem confident talks could begin.

Q: Would you say you still have confidence in Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his Cabinet ?

A: We have confidence in them. This is emboldened by the necessary strength they have acquired not in one election but in several elections since last December. Premier Wickremesinghe is a person who has the strength, political will and courage to go ahead with this peace initiative, come what may.

We have confidence he will overcome the hurdles placed by war mongering and chauvinistic groups.

Q: Premier Wickre-mesinghe has declared at a meeting in Matara that an Interim Administration needs Parliamentary approval and has to be ratified by the people. What is your response?

A: As regards promotion of peace and resolution of this conflict, our position remains the same. The confidence we have placed on Mr. Wickremesinghe and his team remains. Statements may emanate to satisfy various electorates at various times.
However, it is very unfortunate if Mr. Wickremesinghe has changed his position. That definitely is not going to be contributory towards the resolution of the problem.

Q: There are sections in the Government and Opposition who say the LTTE should give up arms and renounce claims for a separate state if they are to be granted an Interim Administration. What is your response?

A: An attitude of this nature is only going to pour fuel into the flames of the conflict of this island. It has drained the blood of the youth, irrespective of whether they were from the south or north. The ground reality has to be appreciated. Nobody can prevent a devastation continuing further without a resolution of this conflict.

Q: There are allegations that the LTTE is bringing in arms shipments despite the CFA, recruiting youth and training them. What do you say to this ?

A: First of all, we deny the accusation. It is the usual practice of the Sri Lankan military to level accusations of this nature.

On the use of the term "recruitment," we object strongly. The entire force of the LTTE is people oriented. They are volunteers and over 18 years of age. They are volunteering themselves to be enlisted for the freedom struggle. The CFA does not in anyway prevent the two sides from taking in people or bringing in arms.

We totally deny we are bringing in arms and taking more people but at the same time we reserve the right to defend this issue by saying there is nothing to prevent us from doing so. The Sri Lanka Government and the military has been allocating money without much reduction to purchase arms and have embarked on a recruitment drive. If they can do that, there is nothing specific to prevent the LTTE from doing the same thing. There is no necessity for the LTTE to bring in weapons and take in more people because we have a committed agenda for peace.

Q: Is Trincomalee still the perceived capital of "Eelam"?

A: By its geographical and historical positioning, Trincomalee has been headquarters of the Tamil nation. It is a contiguous natural habitat of the Tamils. Even the Government has set up the North-East Provincial Council and the Governor's office there.

Q: There have been media reports in Colombo about an attempt on the life of Mr. Prabhakaran. Is this true?

A: It is true various interested parties have been trying to portray reports of coups or attempts on our leader's life. We put the whole thing into one basket and say it is purely guess work.

Q: What is your response to reports that the US will sign an Acquisition and Cross Servicing Agreement with Sri Lanka?

A: We are a group of freedom fighters fighting for the sovereignty and integrity of Tamil nation. The sovereignty of Sri Lanka vis a vis other countries, in this instance the United States, is a matter for concern for the State of Sri Lanka. We are not very much concerned about it.

(Specific answers given by Mr Thamilchelvan to several other questions have been held over for use in upcoming reports.)

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