The Political Column

12th August 2001

PA, UNP in political poker

By our Political Correspondent
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President Chandrika Kumaratunga's move to postpone the proposed referendum af ter weighing its pros and cons has neither ended the controversy surrounding it nor the political crisis that is tightening the noose around the country.

On the contrary, events of the past week indicate that the government will not dance to the tune of the opposition. 

The President appears to be acting on the premise that the people have given her a clear mandate at the December 1999 presidential election to govern for six years. She also believes the present electoral system has denied her party a clear majority in parliament. The PA is of the view that had last years general election been held under the first-past-the-post system, it would have obtained a clear majority to implement its reforms and solve the ethnic crisis. 

The government has no option but to follow the constitution whether it likes it or not. But PA leaders appear to be clinging on to a cliché that they cannot resolve the ethnic crisis or tackle other problems because of constitutional impediments.

The priority number one for any government is to resolve the ethnic crisis, which has now threatening to drown the national economy after the LTTE's July 24 devastating attack on the Katunayake airbase and the adjoining international airport. The country is facing a serious economic crisis after the London-based underwriters classified the whole of Sri Lanka as a war-risk area, grouping it along with Chechnya, Macedonia and Sierra Leone. 

In the circumstances, the need of the hour is a concerted effort to salvage the country from this political and economic quagmire. The responsibility lies with both the government and the opposition. They should come together to put the country back on the right track and make it a safer place not only for Sri Lankans, but also for foreign investors and tourists.

But what is sad is that a section of the opposition is more interested in fishing in troubled waters than extending a hand to the government to solve the problems.

The present political chess game assumed a checkmate scenario when the government in a bid to counter the UNP-sponsored no-confidence motion, prorogued parliament and announced a referendum for a new constitution.

Though the President, as a last resort, warned of bypassing parliament to introduce a new constitution, she was well aware of dangers lurking in such a move. Therefore, she was forced to keep the options open for a continuous dialogue with the opposition to reach some sort of a consensus to run the government smoothly for a limited period until a solution to the ethnic problem is found.

But the main opposition UNP is keen on defeating the Kumaratunga administration. Its resolve to defeat the government through the no-confidence motion gained momentum after seven SLMC parliamentarians led by Rauf Hakeem crossed over to the opposition.

This crossover gave more ammunition to UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe who was under pressure from the so-called rebels in the party to topple the Kumaratunga administration. His task initially appeared easy with reports of squabbles and bickering within the PA surfacing. The crisis within the PA revolved around a dispute involving Minister S. B. Dissanayake, a one-time close confidante of President Kumaratunga and it put the President's plans in disarray and gave rise to speculation that the minister might put a spoke in the wheel.

Despite these problems, the President teamed up with Ministers Lakshman Kadirgamar, Mangala Samaraweera, Anuruddha Ratwatte and Sarath Amunugama to map out strategies to face the crisis.

As part of this strategy, Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake had a one-to-one dialogue with Mr. Wickremesinghe. And the talks were elevated to leaders level with President Kumaratunga and the UNP leader meeting secretly.

The meeting was not revealed to the media and this left room for some UNPers to suspect that Mr. Wickremesinghe wanted to become the prime minister and was working on a hidden agenda in collusion with the government. They said they had all the reasons to believe it since it was not long ago he faced a challenge to his leadership within the party.

But the whole thing backfired when the two leaders accused each other of blowing the lid off. President Kumaratunga said that Mr. Wickremesinghe demanded the premiership, but the opposition leader denied this. While the UNPers upheld Mr. Wickremesinghe's version, the state media harped on the claim that the UNP leader repeatedly demanded the premiership.

Whatever it may be, it is now history. The breakdown gave way for the hardliners, especially in the UNP to go all out in the battle. This led to the July 19 high-noon drama where two innocent lives were lost.

The July 24 airport attack, however, renewed the process of reconciliation with the government starting talks with UNP Parliamentarians such as Rukman Senanayake, Tyronne Fernando, Karu Jayasuriya, Gamini Atukorale, Mahinda Samarasinghe and Rohitha Bogollagama.

Prime Minister Wickremanayake had a direct link with Rukman Senanayake while the team comprising Lakshman Kadirgamar, Anuruddha Ratwatte and Mangala Samaraweera had talks with Tyronne Fernando, Rohitha Bogollagama and Mahinda Samarasinghe.

The Prime Minister's special emissary Mano Ginige had several rounds of talks with UNP Deputy Leader Karu Jayasuriya. Mr. Ginige worked with Mr. Jayasuriya when the latter was Sri Lanka's envoy in Bonn. He was also a close associate of former Foreign Minister A.C.S. Hameed. All these efforts pointed towards one direction — a national government or a government of national reconciliation for a limited period to achieve certain objectives.

In the inner circles of the UNP, Mr. Bogollagama argued they should join the government from a position of strength. It was proposed Mr. Wickremesinghe be appointed Prime Minister in the government with an equal number of portfolios for both the PA and the UNP.

A keen advocate of the French constitution, Mr. Bogollagama insisted during the talks with government representatives that a French style arrangement be made where the Prime Minister is given more powers.

Mr. Bogollagama along with Tyronne Fernando and Mahinda Samarasinghe relied upon Article 21 of the French Constitution which states:

"The Prime Minister shall direct the operation of the government. He shall be responsible for national defence. He shall ensure the implementation of legislation subject to Article 13 (of the French Constitution). He shall have the power to make regulation and shall make appointments to civil and military posts.

"He may delegate certain of his powers to ministers. "He shall deputise if the case arises for the President, the Chairman of the Councils and Committees. "He may in exceptional cases deputise for him as Chairman of a meeting of the Council of Ministers by virtue of an express delegation of powers for a specific agenda."

In other words, the UNP wants to share power with the Executive President, but this is not provided for in the 1978 Constitution. 

It is difficult to fathom how the PA and the UNP could share power without amending the Constitution. It would be still more difficult to fathom how the constitution could be amended.

In short, if the PA agrees to this, the President would be compelled to abrogate some of the powers delegated to her by the people through the constitution and by a mandate given at the December 1999 Presidential election.

It was in this backdrop that the UNP working committee met with the Parliamentary group for a joint session on Tuesday morning.

At the beginning, UNP Leader Wickremesinghe outlined the current political situation with the emphasis on the campaign against the referendum.

He explained the discussions he was having with opposition parties and the invitation by the PA for talks in the aftermath of the Katunayake disaster.

Although President Kumaratunga was known to be planning to put off the referendum, the opposition was probably not aware of the decision. However, newspapers had an idea of it since the government withdrew all the scheduled advertisements from the respective newspapers by Monday evening.

By Monday evening, some of the government negotiators called their counterparts to inform of the government's decision as a matter of courtesy.

After the announcement was officially made on Tuesday night, the opposition parties moved fast and met the next day to review the situation.

At the Tuesday's working committee meeting of the UNP, Chief Opposition Whip W.J.M. Lokubandara said that options should be kept open for a national agenda in the event the government invites the UNP to form a government of national reconciliation, bearing in mind the national interest and the present demand for conciliatory politics.

Gamini Lokuge said that whatever they were doing, it was the duty of the party to send a clear signal out to the country stating the party's stand on the current political developments.

In view of speculation that there are talks by many sections of the party with several groups in the government, the UNP Leader explained the background to this whole episode.

"There had been so many channels – responsible members from both sides were talking to explore the possibility of arriving at a broader consensus," he said.

Mr. Wickremesinghe said he had now set up a committee to sift through various proposals and to streamline talks between the government and the opposition.

A committee comprising Deputy Leader Jayasuriya, UNP Chairman Charitha Ratwatte and the UNP Whip Tyronne Fernando was appointed for this purpose.

The committee is likely to confer with UNPers who have made contacts with the government.

The UNP's dilemma appears to be as to who is talking what and whether all those people who were talking to the UNP had got a nod from the President. A majority in the UNP feel that the government should authorize one person or several persons to negotiate with the UNP.

UNP's Rajitha Senaratne speaking at Tuesday's meeting expressed the view there was no purpose in negotiating with President Kumaratunga He claimed he knew her better than most others..

"We can't let down the people who laid down their lives for the party in seeking any arrangement to work out a compromise with the PA," he said. Mr. Wickremesinghe replying said they should now leave such matters in the hands of the committee. Joseph Michael Perera said that while he endorsed that a statement should be issued by the UNP outlining its position, he also believed there should be a vigorous campaign to defeat the government at the referendum.

Mr. Perera said a continuous dialogue with the Elections Commissioner was necessary to ensure a free and fair poll.

Mr. Jayasuriya expressed that more than 400,000 ballot papers had been printed in excess for the Jaffna district whereas requirement was 280,000.

He said the Elections Commissioner had given an undertaking that he would not issue more than the required number of ballot papers for Jaffna.

Working Committee member Paul Perera was not pleased with this and said the party should not go by assurances given by public servants who were under the writ of a dictatorial government.

While the Working Committee session was on, government leaders were trying to get in touch with Rukman Senanayake.. 

Mr. Senanayake subsequently met the Prime Minister and they discussed moves to further democratise the present system.

Mr. Rukman Senanayake has espoused the cause of a governmet of national reconciliation from as far back as 1988. It was in that same spirit that preliminary discussions with the Prime Minister had originated.

Having found himself accused of trying to serve his own interests at the time that the alternative UNP group moved to the government, Mr. Senanayake has been careful to keep the UNP leader informed of the way the discussions were going. Mr. Senanayake has reportedly stated that the day he leaves the UNP he would also bow out of politics.

It is now learnt that Mr. Wickremanayake had offered the Deputy Premiership but that Mr. Senanayake had affirmed that the premiership should be offered to the party.

But there is also a problem as to whether the Constitution provides for the appointment of a Deputy Prime Minister. The other possible scenario is Mr. Wickremanayake to be the Vice President but that also involves a constitutional amendment.

However, the proposal made by the Prime Minister had been reported to the UNP Leader Wickremesinghe. Mr. Senanayake has in turn told the government that it should be either Ranil Wickremesinghe or Karu Jayasuriya and not him.

Mr. Senanayake who is known for his honesty and integrity was not prepared to compromise his party's position.

The UNP insists that its leader Wickremesinghe should be the Prime Minister of a government of national reconciliation comprising all parties and ruled out the possibility of entering into negotiations with the government to form a two-party government.

At a separate meeting on Monday at the UNP leader's office at the Cambridge Terrace, Mr. Wickremesinghe, Mr. Jayasuriya, Charitha Ratwatte and Mr. Atukorale discussed at length the outcome of the discussions Mr. Senanayake had with the Prime Minister and Tyronne Fernando and Rohitha Bogollagama had with Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, Anuruddha Ratwatte and Mangala Samaraweera.

It was agreed that the talks going on with respective parties should be wetted by the committee and a final decision taken thereafter.

The UNP's aim as mentioned earlier in this column was to set up a government with the features reflected in the French system where the Prime Minister was given a greater responsibility.

There, Mr. Senanayake said that the government would offer 12 cabinet portfolios to the UNP in a cabinet of 30 if the UNP was willing to consider the offer.

A list was shown to the UNP Leader by Mr. Senanayake. The list included some important portfolios. While some members believe that the UNP should respond to the government's offer, others say they should not take anything other than the number two slot.

Talks are on at numerous places but a dinner organised by UNP General Factotum Bodhi Ranasinghe for more than 30 people including Rukman Senanayake, John Amaratunga and Mahinda Samarasinghe was called off when the UNP leadership felt that it was not necessary.

The objective of the dinner which was to be held on Monday night was to discuss as to what matters should be taken up for discussion at the joint Working Committee cum Parliamentary group meeting scheduled for Tuesday.

Mr. Ranasinghe is also involved in the dialogue which Mr. Senanayake is having with the Prime Minister. But others in the party hierarchy pooh-poohed these moves saying brokers were only interested in their commissions, and that the party must work towards overthrowing the government.

One UNP parliamentarian pointed out it was useful to look in retrospect and study how the party had acted in such crisis situations.

Senior Parliamentarian W.J.M. Lokubandara told the UNP Working Committee last week that it was in the best interest of the party if the party decided to adopt J.R. Jayewardene's strategy to overcome the present situation.

At one stage, J.R. Jayewardene wanted to join the then United Front government and worked towards that.

In the circumstances, most of the UNPers think that it is important to think like J.R. and act like J.R. to lead the UNP to victory. 

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