The Political Column

12th November 2000

Vision for new political culture

By our Political Correspondent

The President also said she had been trying to discuss in various fora the proposed constitution from 1995, but still people had pointed out that there was no sufficient time for them to discuss and debate the provisions of the proposed new constitution at length. Therefore, she said the government would once again allow a public debate on the draft, invloving among others Buddhist clergy as well.

The President's policy statement indicated she was determined to to re-introduce the draft constitution bill. A move to get it passed through parliament was aborted in October last year in the face of oposition from Sinhala hardliners and retraction of support from the UNP.

A day prior to the President making her policy statement, UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe also outlined his party's new approach to politics. Reading out from a prepared statement, he said:

"The unique configuration of Sri Lanka's 11th Parliament compels me to address all of you today in my capacity as the leader of the opposition. The result of General Election 2000 has made it abundantly clear that the citizens of Sri Lanka did not provide any political party or grouping with a governing mandate. The inherent political instability of the situation is clearly manifested by the appointment of an unprecedented 44 cabinet ministers and a plethora of Deputy Ministers in a desperate bid to form a fragile government.

"The citizens of this country have sent a pointed signal to all political parties that they expect the political parties to work together towards building a new culture. In this context, the role of the national opposition in Parliament cannot be merely limited to the critical examination of the policies and programmes of government. Therefore, I in consultation with all the parties in the opposition would seek to evolve a consensual approach to offer constructive solutions to the problems faced by our people. We will not restrict ourselves to Parliament but will also seek the active participation of the people.

"As part of this new beginning I intend to make maximum use of Parliament as the platform for creating a new political culture. The UNP recently put forward for consideration by all political parties, a set of proposals entitled 'A Common Programme for New Political Culture.' I will discuss these proposals with all parties and groups in Parliament and obtain their response. Consensus building, constructive engagement and the creation of trust among all political parties will become hallmarks of this approach.

"The Common Programme addresses the key issues that are at the core of the demand by the nation at large for a new political culture — a view point which was further emphasised in the report of the European Union Election Observers.

"However no matter how far-reaching these recommendations are, no matter how many of them are implemented, they will have little effect in practice if the main parties in Sri Lanka politics continue with attitudes and actions which undermine the very fabric of democracy itself.

"Therefore, laws that will depoliticise government structures and ensure an election process that truly reflects the will of the people are pre-requisites for ensuring a functioning democracy and a stable society. The urgent need for these measures has been highlighted by several international commentators on the recently concluded General Elections. The International Herald Tribune's article entitled 'Shameful vote rigging in Sri Lanka' states, 'Over the past few weeks, though the democratic process in Sri Lanka has been deliberately subverted, a blood soaked parliamentary election campaign in which nearly 80 people were killed climaxed on Oct. 10 in a flawed polling process.' In the report of the European Union Election Observers states that 'it would have been difficult to conclude that the election was free and fair in all districts.' This amplifies the need to establish institutional structures and mechanisms such as the proposed independent commissions.

"The symbolic meeting that recently took place between a Norwegian delegation and the LTTE leadership is an important step in the ongoing dialogue between the government and the LTTE through the facilitation of the Norwegian Government. The government now needs to swiftly reconcile the internal contradiction between its declared objective of pursuing a military solution and the challenging, but potentially frustrating, alternative of working towards a political solution and a negotiated peace involving the LTTE.

"The majority of political parties have clearly expressed their desire to seek a political solution to the conflict. The common programme calling for 'a national initiative to end the armed conflict, including terrorism, through a political solution involving all parties, and to end the war while safeguarding the territorial integrity of our nation' as outlined in the Common Programme, becomes relevant in this context.

"Recently the International Press Institute placed Sri Lanka on a watch list of countries where media freedom is under threat. Unfortunately, Sri Lanka's lack of commitment to media freedom has been heavily criticised both nationally and internationally. The R. K. W. Gunasekera Report has made far-reaching recommendations in respect of media freedom. Discussions have taken place in the last Parliament in regard to media freedom. These recommendations and discussions will form a sound basis for the creation of a legal and institutional framework for a free media.

"We will also actively seek to focus the attention of parliament on other vital national issues, both social and affecting the people economically. To this end we will both propose new legislation as well as the appointment of Select Committees to make recommendations on such matters.

"The parliament like all other institutions must adapt to the needs of the 21st Century democracy. The parliament must play a more pro-active role in relation to the passing of laws, of the control of finance and the supervision of the executive. This requires a major overhauling of the Standing Orders of Parliament.

"The people have demanded that we change the manner in which we conduct politics in this country. If we do not heed this warning the public at large will lose confidence in our political system and Sri Lanka's democracy will be under serious threat. Therefore I will in consultation with the parties in Opposition seek to utilise parliament to find solutions to seemingly intractable problems faced by our people. We will then be able to leave to the next generation of Sri Lankans a better heritage."

The UNP leader's statement has come under the scrutiny of many analysts who are focusing on remarks such as "I intend to make the maximum use of parliament as a platform for creating a new political culture" and "the unique configuration of Sri Lanka's 11th parliament compels me to address all of you today in my capacity as the Leader of the Opposition.

The result of the general election 2000 has made it abundantly clear that the citizens of Sri Lanka did not provide any political party or group with a governing mandate."

These analysts question whether the UNP is trying to project itself as a parallel government instead of the traditional alternative government. The UNP's new role was the subject of discussion at the last meeting of the working committee. In this regard, the UNP is expected to move for amendments to the Parliamentary Standing Orders.

As part of its efforts to strengthen the role of parliament, the UNP will call upon its MPs to be present at all sititngs. The UNP also feels that parliament sittings are not frequent enought to address the problems of the people. Hence, an agenda will be drawn up by a committee to focus on a greater role for parliament in state affairs.

The working committee also discussed a code of conduct for MPs and took up the issue of political victimisation. The party decided to bring pressure on the government to redress the grievances of public servants who were allegedly victimised during the election campaign because they supported the UNP.

The working committee also discussed the arrest of Parliamentarian P. Chandrasekeran and noted that he had been falsely accused of trying to create a disturbance in the hills. The members called on the party leadership to take up the matter with the International Parliamentary Union.

At the beginning of the working committee meeting, resignation letters sent by Ronnie de Mel, Wijeyapala Mendis and Harendra Corea were taken up. The working committee rejected the letters and decided to sack them. It also sacked Mervyn Silva and Sarath Kongahage, but gave time to Ratnasiri Rajapakse to explain his position.

Thereafter, the working committee considered amendments to the UNP constitution. According to the amendments, the chairman and the general secretary of the party are to be full-timers and non-parliamentarians.

The members deicded to hold the annual sessions of the working committee on December 3 in Colombo and raise a fund for victims of violence. All UNP MPs will be asked to contribute Rs. 1000 from their monthly allowances so that the monies will be accumulated in a fund to help the victims of violence.

At the UNP group meeting, UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe clarified the position regarding the peace moves. He said there was no peace initiative by Norway, but it was only playing a facilitator role at the instance of the Sri Lankan government.

Mr. Wickremesinghe said he believed the Prime Minister had not been briefed on the outcome of the discussions between the LTTE and the Norwegian delegation. The UNP leader said he was only saying all what the Norwegian delegation had told him. Earlier Mr. Wickremesinghe had told some newsmen that the initiative to talk with the LTTE was on the cards before the October elections.

He said he did not want to take any undue political advantage out of it and that was how the UNP worked. It is learnt that Tiger Supremo Velupillai Prabakharan has also forwarded an alternative proposal to the government to solve the ethnic crisis. But now the President is more keen to implement the proposed constitution in which, she thinks, lies the solution.

The UNP has cleared the way for the government to go ahead with the talks with the facilitation of the Norwegian government. The UNP's stance right throughout has been that parties to the conflict should be invited to the negotiating table. But at the beginning the government rejected the UNP proposal which now appears to be an election ploy of the government to woo the majority Sinhalese.

However, the President in the policy statement outlined a two pronged plan to solve the ethnic crisis — a political solution for the minorities who do not resort to violence and a military solution to deal with the LTTE.

Whatever it may be, the PA will face a dilemma once again when it presents the constitution in Parliament.

The pertinent question that arises is as to whether the government could carry on, with Sinhala hardliners such as Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake and MEP leader Dinesh Gunawardene. Moreover, the Sihala Urumaya and the Buddhist clergy along with the JVP would oppose extensive devolution.

The JVP has already expressed disappointment over Norway's role and rejected an invitation extended to the party's MPs to visit Oslo. The JVP letter to the Norwegian ambassador says:

"We thank you for your invitation for JVP to visit your country. No leader or a member of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna will accept an invitation of your government to visit your country as long as you allow the LTTE to engage in activities against our country, Sri Lanka.

"It is our duty to explain the reasons why our party has chosen to decline your official invitation, which was conveyed to us through the office of the opposition in the parliament of Sri Lanka.

"We have already explained our position on the national question in Sri Lanka when we met you on the 30 October 2000, on your invitation. The political bureau of party decided unanimously, after a long session of discussion, to meet you. Although we are convinced that Norway is interfering in the internal affairs of our country and is violating our sovereignty by allowing the LTTE to engage in activities against Sri Lanka, this meeting would be an opportunity to explain to you, why the government of Norway must not interfere in the internal affairs of our country."

"Norway is a country with warm and hospitable people. In her short history, she has fought for her integrity and sovereignty. She has fought for freedom from being a colony of Sweden and against the aggression of Nazis in World WarII. During the cold war from what it perceived as a threat from the Soviet Union, when countries nearer to the Soviet Union remained neutral, in Norway's own search for independence and sovereignty, it became an ally of NATO.

"We refer to the constitution of Norway that declares its "official religion" the "Evangelical Lutheran religion." This constitution required that in your country "inhabitants professing it (this religion) be bound to bring up their children in the same." Your country's Executive Power is the King, who the constitution says must be a member of the official religion. He is also required to 'uphold and protect' this religion.

Furthermore, the Chief Executive, the King should have in his council, a majority from this religion. Your constitution demands that your senior government officials should speak Norwegian and also severely limits the role of international bodies on your internal affairs, especially forbids foreigners from having the "power to alter the constitution."

"We condemn your racism and chauvinism. Your racism condones LTTE racism and has become an ally to dismember our beloved country. As we respect your sovereign right to govern your own internal affairs, we have the same rights to determine our countries internal affairs. We consider you a colonialist. Sri Lanka has a five hundred-year history of experience in resisting colonialism. We are weathered by 2500 years of external aggression. We have fought for liberation in 1818 and 1848. That is our proud history.

"We request you to immediately close down LTTE offices in your country and force them to stop their war. We denounce your interference in Sri Lanka's affairs. If you choose to continue, we the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and the people of Sri Lanka will resist your interference in our own internal affairs through every peaceful means possible.

"You have become a mouthpiece of the LTTE. This is clear from what you have said after meeting with LTTE leaders. Your credentials as a peacebroker have been tarnished as a result.

"But your credentials as a peacebroker was already damaged beyond repair in front of the whole world, when the so called peace agreement between Israelis and Palestinians failed miserably and led to the killing of hundreds of Palestinians by Zionist fanatics. The whole world is watching vigilantly what the so-called peacemakers are doing to stop this bloodshed. Your interference in this crisis resulted in the division of Palestine. You created an enormous gap between Palestinians and Jews. In the same manner, your interference will create a separation that will plunge Sri Lanka into more bloodshed, not only amongst Sinhala and Tamil people in the separated areas but also among Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim people in unseparated Sri Lanka."

The JVP has also taken a very hardline against the LTTE and it would be rather difficult to conclude as to whether President Chandrika Kumaratunga would be able to weather the storm already brewing.

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