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Speaking at the meeting of partner leaders of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) this week, he declared “apiwa thamai amaruwe daanney” or it is we who are put into trouble, referring to remarks made by Sirsena. The meeting was chaired by Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa and Amaraweera’s comments raised eyebrows among the participants. Amaraweera is also the General Secretary of United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), the larger alliance led by the SLFP.

The UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe leaving Siri Kotha after a crisis meeting where he tried to work out a compromise over the symbol and other issues with the Sajith Premadasa-led alliance.

It was just weeks earlier that Sirisena and his SLFP humbly accepted membership in the SLPP-led Sri Lanka Podujana Nidhas Sandanaya (SLPNS) and vowed to contest under their Pohottuwa (budding Lotus flower) symbol. In a move that signalled that he wants to make amends for past mistakes, Sirisena pledged that he and his SLFP would ensure a victory for the SLPP alliance by a two-thirds majority at the April 25 parliamentary elections. That was indeed a big sacrifice. His SLFP was not going to be in the polls fray and will have no representation in Parliament for the next five years — literally a death knell for a grand old party that produced many a leader from the Bandaranaike family and made political history.

Sirisena’s eagle

Sirisena is set to receive nomination from the SLPP to contest from the Polonnaruwa District. That, coupled together with a victory there, is not elusive for him. However, some of his repeated public remarks recently have angered the SLPP leadership, including Premier Mahinda Rajapaksa. Even if he took a conciliatory posture after his provocative assertions, he has strained relations with the alliance, too. That includes partner leaders of the SLPNS.  They are looking at him with a suspicious eye and pondering over the degree of trust they could have in him.

It all began on March 1. Sirisena told a public meeting that “One morning I was walking along the bund of the Parakrama Samudra. I observed a Diyakawa (Cormorant) plunge into the water and grabbing a fish with its beak. It flew to settle on a rock to devour it. An eagle came from above and grabbed the fish. We are also the same. We act like eagles and play the game like them.”

That was Sirisena’s rebuff to Roshan Ranasinghe, former State Minister and SLPP member who represented the Polonnaruwa District. At public rallies and ‘pocket meetings’ Ranasinghe had declared himself to be the leader for the district — remarks that angered Sirisena. For this, the party leadership had ticked off Ranasinghe and warned him not to make statements that would cause embarrassment to the SLPP.  Premier Rajapaksa was not pleased with the remarks. He told a meeting in Kurunegala that it was the people who suffered when leaders of the previous government tried to be eagles.

Ranasinghe repeated his remarks again on March 2 at a meeting in Polonnaruwa. “I will be the leader of the SLPP for Polonnaruwa District. If Maithripala Sirisena wants to contest under the SLPP, that can be considered. I will respond to the eagle story at a later date.”  His remarks were to draw another rebuff from Sirisena.

He told a meeting at Welikanda in Polonnaruwa: “The Chinese President gifted me a hospital (worth Rs 12 billion) to treat chronic kidney patients. But in the last few days some persons have been collecting applications to give jobs at this hospital. I will not allow anybody else to lay eggs in the nest I received as a gift. Those who cannot have their own place are trying to lay eggs in other’s nests.” On March 4, the former state minister shot back: “Just like the comments made by the former President on eagles, he will come forward for the elections from Pohottuwa. He could then go and sit in the opposition.” Another onetime Sirisena loyalist and Cabinet minister, Duminda Dissanayake asked “how can we obtain a two thirds majority in Parliament? There are people who go on saying do not vote for the others.”

Sirisena’s remarks went viral in the social media. His claim that the Chinese President had gifted the hospital to him suggested it was a personal reward. It was meant for the “people of Sri Lanka” and hence Sirisena could in no way seek proprietary claims. An extension of that argument would have meant that the late J.R. Jayewardene received the Sri Jayawardenapura hospital from the Japanese government as a gift. He did not insist that he should staff the medical institution. Then Premier Sirimavo Bandaranaike received the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH) from Chinese. She did not insist that it be staffed by her own nominees. Those remarks were viewed by SLPP leaders as a message not to staff the hospital but to leave it to him.

Pressure built on Sirisena over the remarks.  SLFP General Secretary Dayasiri Jayasekera made desperate efforts to get in touch with the SLPP architect and SLPNS General Secretary Basil Rajapaksa. Household staff told him that Rajapaksa was indisposed and was on doctor’s advice to rest. Jayasekera left messages that it was “very, very urgent.” He was now seeking damage control.

On March 4, Sirisena claimed at another public meeting in Polonnaruwa that the eagle story had been given a “wrong interpretation.” He said, “My comments were in respect of Polonnaruwa and not to the entire country. People who did not make a bus halt are shouting today.” Surely, Sirisena should have known that all what he says in one part of the country will be known in all other parts in no time. Moreover, he did not preface his remarks to say he was addressing those in Polonnaruwa.

SLFP General Secretary Jayasekera was asked whether SLFP leader Sirisena had apologised to SLPP counterparts. He told the Sunday Times, “There is no need to apologise. He has explained that his remarks were meant only for those in Polonnaruwa and not those outside.” Not many in the SLPP took that explanation seriously and felt Sirisena should have explained himself to their leaders.

During his tenure as President for four and half years, Sirisena did cause controversies with his remarks. When it was reported that a female fan of a foreign singer who performed in Colombo threw her brassiere at him, he declared that such persons should be caned with a Madu Walige or the tail of a sting ray. The tail is used as a file to smoothen surfaces of rubber tubes inside tyres when they are repaired. Then he spoke about the sword. He said anyone who does wrong, irrespective of their position, could get slashed by his sword.

Sirisena’s latest controversy comes after President Gotabaya Rajapaksa issued a proclamation dissolving Parliament at midnight on March 2. The SLPP-led alliance has embarked on the preparation of nomination lists. One of the primary tasks for the alliance general secretary Basil Rajapaksa is to finalise how many seats would be contested by partner groups including the SLFP. All parties will contest under the Pohottuwa symbol. The only exceptions are Douglas Devananda’s Eelam People’s Democratic Front (EPDP) which will contest under its Veena, a musical instrument. Angajan Ramanathan who will contest under the SLPP will use either the Betel Leaf (UPFA) or Hand symbol (SLFP). The Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) led by Arumugam Thondaman will join SLPP to contest three districts — Nuwara Eliya, Kandy and Badulla. The CWC will tie up with a smaller Muslim party in the Matale district.

The first nomination papers of the Sri Lanka Nidahas Podujana Sanvidanaya will be signed on March 11 at an auspicious time in the presence of their leaders. From yesterday, meetings were held every half hour with prospective candidates for each district.  Ahead of this, partner parties of the SLNPS has already been written to by SLPP General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam. He has confirmed to them that their candidates, with some exceptions, will contest under the Pohottuwa symbol.

UNP crisis continues

Although it is now six days after the dissolution, the United National Party (UNP) has still not been successful in resolving issues confronting the warring factions. On the one hand, leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, who told his deputy Sajith Premadasa to contest under the party using the elephant symbol, returned to Colombo on Friday. This was after a short visit to Dubai to address a media event organised by the New Delhi based WION (World Is One) television network. A source close to him said that in the event there is no accord with the Premadasa faction, Wickremesinghe would ensure the UNP fields candidates. “The leader has been talking to key allies in the party about this,” the source said.

Despite a week of hurried political developments, the Premadasa faction has not been able to still obtain a symbol. Both the heart and the swan symbol are now ruled out. That is not to say they will be left with no symbol. They have sought the Telephone symbol. This belongs to the Apey Jathika Peramuna or Our National Front whose name has now been changed by Premadasa faction to Samagi Jana Balavegaya. Diana Gamage has remained its General Secretary. She is the wife of Senaka Silva, who was closely associated in the political campaigns of Sarath Fonseka.

The Samagi Jana Balavegaya was formally set up at a ceremony at the Nelumpokuna Theatre last Monday with some 2,000 invitees taking part.

Several parties, individuals, trade unions, and civil society representatives signed Memoranda of Association. There were 12 of them in all.  They are the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) (signed by General Secretary Patali Champika Ranawaka),

Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) – (General Secretary Nizam Kariapper),

Tamil Progressive Alliance – (General Secretary Chandra Shafter), Ahila Ilankai People’s Congress – (General secretary S Subeideen), United Leftist Alliance – (General Secretary Keerthi Kariyawasam),  Jathika Mahajana Sabahawa, – (Chamira Perera),  Api Purawasiyo – (Inoka Sathayagani), Journalists for Democracy – Sunil Jayasekara and Wadabime Api – (Chinthaka Bandara).

A symbol other than an elephant could well turn out to be an issue. Such a symbol is the Premadasa faction’s answer to Wickremesinghe’s call to contest under his party and the elephant symbol. It may, therefore, not be approved by either Wickremesinghe or the Working Committee of the UNP bringing about a serious deadlock. Until now, Premadasa has kept scrupulously to the decisions of the Working Committee. That included the decision to form the new front and to lead it. This was together with partner parties who backed the earlier yahapalana government. However, that includes a list of do’s and don’ts. Wickremesinghe would have to approve the list of the alliance candidates.

What happens in the unlikely event of a partner of the alliance having a candidate rejected by the UNP leader? The ongoing crisis in the UNP underscores a stark reality. Premadasa does not wish to leave the UNP and wants to remain a member. Wickremesinghe is only too conscious of this position. The question that looms now is whether Premadasa would have no choice but to go his own way leaving the UNP for good. This is on the basis that he has little choice. Otherwise, he would have to opt to contest under the UNP with the elephant symbol. With no options left, will Premadasa be forced to cross the red line — go his own way and part from his party?

The task for interlocutors this week was to persuade Wickremesinghe for a re-think. One among them was former UNP Chairman Malik Samarawickrema. He had asked for rapprochement to ensure that the UNP, the oldest party in Sri Lanka, does not disintegrate. This set-in motion fresh round of talks by different interlocutors. Various proposals went to and from. Wickremesinghe took up the position that the symbol of a swan was a matter which Premadasa and party should discuss with Ravi Karunanayake. That belonged to his New Democratic Front.

At one point yesterday, there was near agreement between the feuding sides. This was after Ravi Karunanayake agreed to ensure the Swan symbol is ceded to Premadasa’s Alliance. With that over, talks centered on the proposed Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) the UNP would sign with the alliance. Leader Wickremesinghe placed a set of conditions through interlocutors.

A frustrated Premadasa last afternoon told a confidant, “I have had enough now. We are going our own way”.  Within an hour, Alliance General Secretary Ranjit Madduma Bandara told a news conference that they would contest under the Telephone symbol. That move made clear that the United National Party (UNP) was now formally divided.

In a separate move, UNP General Secretary Akila Viraj Kariyawasam, wrote to the Election Commission — a statutory requirement — that his party would contest the parliamentary elections. No serious attention was focused on this letter and it was first considered a “pressure tactic.” This is much the same way SLFP General Secretary Dayasiri Jayasekera wrote to the Election Commission ahead of the presidential election to say his party would field a candidate.

One of the proposals that did the rounds earlier was to replace the UNP’s present General Secretary Akila Viraj Kariyawasam. This was a compromise to get the Premadasa faction to agree what was described as a “more acceptable” person. This was on the grounds that Kariyawasam was a staunch Wickremesinghe loyalist and did not favour Premadasa and his backers. A compromise candidate was Lakshman Kiriella, former Leader of the House and Kandy District parliamentarian. The latter in fact is mulling retirement from politics and wants to urge his daughter, who worked closely with him at his former Ministry, to become a candidate. However, some Premadasa loyalists opined that the move was to lead to Kariyawasam being named by leader Wickremesinghe as his deputy in the party. This was on the basis that Premadasa had taken over as leader of the new alliance. Another foray into the Kandy district would be Fadil Bakeer Markar, now a senior staffer at the UNDP office in Colombo. He is the son of Imtiaz Bakeer Markar and first ever Sri Lankan President of the Students Society of the London School of Economics.

At a news conference on March 4, a day after the Working Committee (WC) meeting, Kariyawasam admitted he had said he was willing to step down. “There was not enough attendance from both factions. We could not come to a final decision,” he added.

The UNP General Secretary also came out with some home truths. He said that the Working Committee granted approval to form an alliance named Samagi Jana Balavegaya. However, the UNP Working Committee gave approval for only an alliance. Yet, it has been registered as a political party. He insisted that the WC did not give approval to contest under the Telephone symbol. “Even I am not ready to contest under that symbol,” he said. “If we were to do so,” the UNP General Secretary said “we need to resign from the UNP membership. We cannot contest an election after resigning from the party.” The remarks further confirm Wickremesinghe’s strong stance that the Telephone symbol is not the answer.

Kariyawasam said that he offered to resign as a commitment to prevent the UNP from breaking up. He revealed that the WC had also taken up for discussion last Tuesday a motion to induct former Speaker Karu Jayasuriya to head the election campaign. “We decided to discuss the matter further with Jayasuriya,” he added. He claimed President’s Counsel who had studied the Balavegaya constitution had raised legal issues. “

Kariyawasam said, “We cannot play around with the list of MPs whose names were discussed at the Working Committee. We discussed whether the April 25 parliamentary elections should be contested under the telephone or the elephant symbol. Only eight Working Committee members voted that the telephone should be the new alliance symbol. Others voted in favour of the elephant symbol,” he declared.

Expressing the same sentiments was Palitha Range Bandara, also a Wickremesinghe loyalist. “Although they call it an alliance, they are registered as a political party. Anyone who becomes a member of the Samagi Jana Balavegaya is not allowed to hold membership in other parties,” he said. This was why, he declared, “that to keep to a legal framework to form an alliance with the Balavegaya.” If that argument is correct, such a legal position naturally entails the UNP signing an MoU with Sandanaya leader, Premadasa, who would represent a different entity. Legally, would that not amount to Premadasa not being in the UNP?

The Working Committee meeting last Tuesday was boycotted by the Premadasa faction. Speaking on behalf of the Balavegaya at a news conference, Upul Jayasuriya said that they would not recognise any decisions made by the Working Committee hereafter.

Onetime Minister Vajira Abeywardena, a strong Wickremesinghe loyalist, defended his leader’s position. He declared that the “Working Committee” only approved the creation of an alliance. They have formed a political party instead. That is against the party’s constitution. This is why we want an MoU with them to protect the interests of our party,” he said. He cautioned that several legal issues concerning the alliance would surface during nominations. Thus, an imbroglio remains.

The UNP’s National Organiser Navin Dissanayake declared that the “UNP has no power to change the constitution. Hence, it has no authority to sign an MoU with Premadasa’s alliance.” Noting that the UNP symbol cannot be given to “someone else,” Dissanayake said “we will lose it for five years.” Those remarks by Wickremesinghe loyalists collectively make clear there is no way out of this imbroglio for Premadasa. His choice now is either the UNP with its elephant symbol or go it his own way with the new Balavegaya.

Balavegaya General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara declared on Friday that the alliance would go ahead. “More than 90 per cent of those in the UNP are now with us. They (meaning the Wickremesinghe faction) were only left with the name board,” he told the Sunday Times.  He said that the alliance has already set up its Nomination Board and was picking its candidates. That included even Lakshman Kiriella. “He met Premadasa and extended his support,” added Madduma Bandara. He noted that that “very soon” we will publicise our symbol and engage in the campaign.

These new developments have still not deterred Premadasa and his backers from mounting intense pressure on the interlocutors. Some spoke to Wickremesinghe on Friday and even Saturday. He made clear that he and his party’s position has been made very clear and the response now would have to come from Premadasa and his loyalists.

The symbol for the alliance is not the only cause for concern for Premadasa. This week, he took the unusual step of inviting Kabir Hashim, Mangala Samaraweera and Malik Samarawickrema to lead his campaign. At least one of them sought clarification. What of the duo who carried out the presidential election campaign? They were former UNP General Secretary Tissa Attanayake and Shiral Lakthilaka Senior Advisor to then President.  Premadasa was candid enough to explain. He said that the duo would be engaged in his own campaign in Colombo whilst the trio would have to focus on the entire country.

In this midst, Naufer Rahman, Parliamentary Secretary to Wickremesinghe, wrote to Attorney General Dappula de Livera seeking advice on the office of Leader of the Opposition and others with the dissolution of Parliament. He had replied that such persons including Speaker, Deputy Speaker and Leader of the Opposition were among those who do not hold office. The issue also came up during a meeting of the SLPP-led alliance partners. They chose not to raise objections.

However, Premadasa who addressed a news conference on Tuesday declared “at the end of this event, I will hand over the vehicles that were provided to me to the relevant state institutions.” He then went on to criticise the government on various issues including its inability to lower fuel prices though global rates have come down. He alleged that when “I asked these questions there was a special team to switch off the microphones and television screens in Parliament. I do not blame the Speaker. When the earlier Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa was in office, this never happened.”

To sum up on the political developments this week, issues between Sirisena and SLPP leaders are bound to continue. It could extend to even issues over candidates and those who will be designated electoral leaders. The shock and awe for SLPP leaders is the fact that Sirisena has chosen to take them on after staying “neutral” at the presidential election. He has thus placed himself and the SLFP in a suspicious position even before a campaign could begin.

For the divided UNP, being re-united again has become increasingly impossible. Both Wickremesinghe and Premadasa have hardened their stance to irreconcilable positions. It would therefore not be wrong to say that the end result would be both sides having to contest separately. A senior UNPer watching the developments remarked “both will come out of the polls in crutches.”

Wickremesinghe, who maintained a silence during his crisis with Premadasa except for occasional references, went public to relate his story last Thursday. Appearing on this page in a box story is what his media staff circulated. See box story on this page.

The SLPP and its alliance have come to stay. The billion-dollar question is which side will make the most possible – Wickremesinghe with the UNP or Premadasa with the Balavegaya – is perhaps what most Sri Lankans would want to know. As for the victor, there is little debate and even little doubt.