Even more significant than his ministerial reshuffle, President Maithripala Sirisena made clear days ago will be his Tuesday’s policy statement — a virtual common programme for his government’s remaining tenure. It assumes greater importance in the light of remarks he made during an address to Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) candidates for the last local [...]

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Coalition in do-or-die battle to win back hearts and minds of the people

Tuesday’s policy statement by the President will be significant but he faces major economic challenges - New lease of life for UNP-SLFP Unity Govt., but cabinet reshuffle widely seen as a mere change of portfolios
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Even more significant than his ministerial reshuffle, President Maithripala Sirisena made clear days ago will be his Tuesday’s policy statement — a virtual common programme for his government’s remaining tenure.

It assumes greater importance in the light of remarks he made during an address to Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) candidates for the last local polls for the Matale District the previous Saturday (April 28). Although no proper assessment has been made over his government’s defeat at the February 10 polls, he declared, it was due to his coalition partner, the United National Party (UNP)-led economic policies leading to a crisis. He charged that these policies made the Government unpopular. He told the meeting held at the Grand Mountain Hotel that the UNP was now set to undergo reforms and his SLFP too would follow suit. As for the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), Sirisena said its pohottuwa (or their symbol, the bud of the Lotus flower) would never blossom. His predecessor Mahinda Rajapaksa, the de facto the SLPP leader, laughed at the claim and said “our support base is increasing and we have already bloomed.”

After the prorogation, Parliament will ceremonially resume sittings on Tuesday with a policy statement to be made by President Maithripala Sirisena. The armed forces were yesterday seen rehearsing for the guard of honour at the opening ceremony. Pic by Indika Handuwela

A lot of water has flown under the bridge since the politically devastating defeat both for the SLFP and the UNP at the February 10 local polls. A recurring issue, however, has been on the economic front. The Sri Lanka rupee’s depreciation vis-à-vis the US dollar continues at unprecedented levels. It has triggered a virtual price rise tsunami that has hit mostly the poorer and middle class sections. Sirisena has now taken over the running of the economy. He ordered the closure of the Cabinet Committee on Economic Management (CCEM) then chaired by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. The Central Bank and the Securities and Exchange Commission were removed from him. So were several functions vested in him as Minister of National Policies and Economic Affairs. That included formulation of monetary policies and macroeconomic management in liaison with the Central Bank and co-ordination between public and private sectors in the latter’s economic development. How Sirisena will steer the ship of economy in this storm is the question.

Ahead of the policy statement, this turns the spotlight on him. He will now have to set the broader parameters of the economic agenda. That is not only for his government. It will also be for his jumbo 42-member cabinet. That includes the 18 who were sworn in last Tuesday. That programme, no doubt, will become the binding thread between the SLFP and the UNP for the continuation of their “national unity” or coalition government. This is particularly in the absence of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the two sides at present. The MoU that saw the two major political parties in the country coming together expired in September last year.

For both, those in the SLFP and the UNP, there was considerable heartburn after the reshuffle. In his brief speech after the swearing-in ceremony, Sirisena underscored this reality. He said during such occasions some would be happy and the others unhappy. All of them usually turn up with expectations and that was a natural thing to happen. Even when he was a minister, he had turned up for reshuffle events not knowing what portfolio he would receive. Now that the portfolios have been apportioned, it was up to all the recipients to work together and deliver.

This is the fourth re-shuffle Sirisena has effected in his three and a half years in office. The first was on May 22, 2017 when he swore in nine ministers and a state minister. The highlight was an exchange of portfolios between Mangala Samaraweera (then Foreign Minister) and Ravi Karunanayake (then Finance). In addition Samaraweera received the subject of Mass Media. Others were Mahinda Samarasinghe (Ports and Shipping), S.B. Dissanayake (Social Empowerment, Welfare and Kandyan Heritage), John Seneviratne (Labour, Trade Union Relations and Sabaragamuwa Development), Gayantha Karunatilleke (Lands and Parliamentary Reform), Arjuna Ranatunga (Petroleum Resources Development), Chandima Weerakody (Skills Development and vocational Training) and Tilak Marapana (Development Assignments).

It was followed on February 25, 2018 with six ministers, three state ministers and a deputy minister. In this Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was appointed the new Minister of Law and Order. He took over from the previous incumbent Sagala Ratnayake who was appointed as the Minister of Youth Affairs and Southern Development. Lakshman Kiriella was appointed as the new Minister of Public Enterprises and Kandy Development. Kabir Hashim was appointed Minister of Higher Education and Highways.

Harin Fernando as Minister of Digital Infrastructure and Foreign Employment, Ravindra Samaraweera as Minister of Wildlife and Sustainable Development (replacing senior UNP member Gamini Jayawickrama Perera). Piyasena Gamage was appointed the State Minister of Youth Affairs and Southern Development, Ajith P Perera State Minister of Prison Reforms, Rehabilitation and Drug Prevention, Harsha de Silva the State Minister of National Policies and Economic Affairs and J.C. Alawathuwala as Deputy Minister of Home Affairs.

The next reshuffle came on April 12, 2018 when he temporarily assigned four different portfolios to other Cabinet ministers. This was after these ministers resigned together with 11 MPs since they voted for the no-faith motion on Premier Wickremesinghe. The last was on May 1 when he swore in 18 ministers. The next day (May 2) he also swore in a group of state and deputy ministers.

Though it was announced on May 22 last year that a reshuffle of SLFP ministers were to follow within two weeks, it did not materialise. Sirisena has dropped the idea. As a further step he also chose to retain the ministerial strength at the present levels instead of filling the vacancies caused by the resignation of four of the SLFP ministers. Answering criticism by opposition parties that there was nothing scientific in the most recent reshuffle, Sirisena told some ministers that the Gazette notification which would contain the various subjects of ministers would show that the reshuffle had been done systematically. That notwithstanding, there appeared to be some anomalies.

Other than that, portfolios like Regional Development, Southern Development, Rural Economy, Wayamba Development and Kandy Development collectively raise an all-important issue — the resources to sustain them. In other words, it is the taxpayer’s money at a time when bribery, corruption and waste are rampant. These establishments are on top of a multiple tier – the local councils that govern an area, the Provincial Councils, the different District Co-ordinating Committees made up of ministers and parliamentarians among others. The absence of any scientific rationalisation of tasks has led to duplication of work and overlapping of functions. As a result there is more the burning of more public funds. That it has also spawned corruption at different levels is no secret. The question is whether such ministerial titles are being showered on MPs due to the absence of any other subjects.

On the SLFP front, only two ministers have come unscathed with their portfolios untouched. They are Nimal Siripala de Silva (Transport and Civil Aviation) and Mahinda Samarasinghe (Ports and Shipping). Two others who have been in the eye of controversies have been hit with changes. One is SLFP General Secretary Duminda Dissanayake who held the Agriculture portfolio. He came in for strong criticism over the distribution of fertilizer to cultivators. This, some SLFPers complain, was one of the causes for their local polls defeat. He was sworn in as Minister of Irrigation, Water Resources Management and Disaster Management. Another is Mahinda Amaraweera who held the portfolio of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources. He was named the new Minister of Agriculture. He, however, lost the position of State Minister for Mahaweli Development and Environment, a position that signified his closeness to President Sirisena. This Ministry is held by him. He named Weerakumara Dissanayake, Wimal Weerawansa’s National Freedom Front (NFF) member, who crossed over, as the new Deputy.

One of Amaraweera’s first tasks since becoming the new Agriculture Minister was to declare he would not go into occupation of a multi storeyed building along the Parliament Road in Kotte. It belonged to a film actress. It was rented by the Agriculture Ministry when Dissanayake was the Minister. The then Parliamentary Affairs and Media Minister Gayantha Karunatilleke told Parliament in March last year that the building had remained unused for a very long period though a rent of Rs 25 million had been paid every month. Ameraweera, the General Secretary of the UPFA, in making those remarks, was serving a serious indictment on his ministerial colleague and General Secretary of the SLFP. Earlier, both ministers had taken part in meetings with other sponsors for a vote of no confidence against Premier Wickremesinghe. However, they were marked as abstained after they were absent during sittings of Parliament that day.

Besides the two ministers — Nimal Siripala de Silva and Mahinda Samarasinghe — whose portfolios remain unchanged, five more SLFPers were sworn in as ministers. They are Vijith Vijithamuni Zoysa (Fisheries, Aquatic Resources Development and Rural Economy), Faiszer Musthapha (Sports, Provincial Councils and Local Government), Duminda Dissanayake (Irrigation, Water Resources Management and Disaster Management) and Sarath Amunugama (Science, Technology, Research, Skills Development, Vocational Training and Hill Country Heritage).

There were no newcomers from the SLFP to be ministers. Nine Ministers of State and ten Deputy Ministers were also sworn in on Wednesday. All were existing office holders receiving new assignments barring two new Deputy Minisers — Ali Zahir Mowlana (National Integration, Reconciliation and Official Languages) and Muthu Sivalingam (Social Welfare and Primary Industries). Thus, the entire reshuffle this week has only seen the inclusion of two new faces as deputies.

It is President Sirisena who made the decisions in respect of the SLFP. However, in the case of the UNP, their leader Premier Wickremesinghe formulated his list of ministers, state and deputies in consultation with Sirisena. One rather contentious nominee who passed muster was Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe who was appointed as Minister of Higher Education and Cultural Affairs. The former Justice and Buddha Sasana Minister had been removed by President Sirisena from his portfolio at the request of the UNP in August last year. It came following a Working Committee decision that he had violated ‘collective responsibility.’ A UNP statement over the removal had accused Rajapakshe of “criticising ministers and government policies by violating the collective responsibility of a cabinet minister.” The statement added, “The UNP Working Committee last week (in August last year) decided to allow Rajapakshe till yesterday to correct, false statements made by him. Rajapakshe, however, says that he does not have any intention of resigning from the ministerial post just yet.” His re-instatement to the Cabinet of Ministers comes just five weeks after he voted against the no-confidence motion on Premier Wickremesinghe. It seems a case of rehabilitating a member and parliamentarian whom the party accused earlier of being untruthful, who did not follow accepted cabinet norms.

A name that did not pass muster, contrary to his own assertions, was that of Ravi Karunanayake who held the post of Foreign Minister until he was forced to resign in August last year. According to an authoritative source, Premier Wickremesinghe asked Sirisena whether he had consented to Karunanayake’s inclusion as a Minister during the reshuffle. He replied somewhat assertively that he had not done so. That put paid to the inclusion of Karunanayake as a new Minister. In the days that followed, Wickremesinghe had been consulting party seniors on their views on the issue – whether Karunanayake should be a Cabinet Minister or not. This week he was set to meet Karunanayake together with two UNP seniors to discuss his claims for a ministerial portfolio. It is immediately not clear whether the meeting took place or not. However, Karunanayake told colleagues and friends that he hoped for a ministerial appointment “within the next ten days.” Naming him as Assistant Leader of the UNP has already generated controversy among sections.

The same source said meetings between Sirisena and Wickremesinghe over ministerial nominees have been “both friendly and very cordial.” Though it was not within his purview to tell the UNP leader whom to pick, the source said, Sirisena “took the liberty of making some suggestions in good faith.” One such instance was when he said that the UNP should have new talent to take the party forward and help in government’s development work. The source revealed that Sirisena suggested four UNPers, who in his view, were suitable to become Cabinet ministers. The foursome were Ajith Perera, Ruwan Wijewardene, Eran Wickremeratne and Harsha de Silva. In the event of a non-availability of designated positions Sirisena had declared they could be given the same or similar titles, the source revealed. Whether he was alluding to ministers without portfolio or not is unclear.

Even after the reshuffle, Sirisena met with Wickremesinghe on Thursday night and later on Friday morning. Though details of these meetings were unavailable, they are learnt to have spoken on matters related to the upcoming policy statement. Party leaders who met Speaker Karu Jayasuriya on Thursday decided that there should be a debate on May 10. On May 9 Parliament is set to debate amendments to the Judicature Act. The Supreme Court has already ruled that some provisions contravene the Constitution and would require a two thirds majority to be passed in present from. Amendments to the Criminal Procedure Code are also to come up for debate on the same day.

Hardly a week after the reshuffle of ministers, state and deputy ministers, there is considerable displeasure among sections of the UNP membership. For the SLFP, it is relatively less. In the UNP some would-be aspirants have been left out. That has become an unenviable task for Wickremesinghe. The likelihood of a few more state and deputy ministers from the UNP is not being ruled out. Another contributory factor for the increasing displeasure are the recent changes in the UNP, including the appointment of Akila Viraj Kariyawasam as the General Secretary.

Barely three days after he was named and the appointment was endorsed by the Working Committee, Kariyawasam made a public announcement that Wickremesinghe would be the candidate for the 2020 presidential election. This is when none of the party organs has so far discussed the matter or taken a formal decision. That has compelled some members of the party to allege that the recent changes are linked to plans to ensure that Wickremesinghe is the UNP presidential candidate. They allege that a process of consultation within different arms of the party should have been carried out before a formal announcement. Some of the members Wickremesinghe named for top positions including Deputy Leader Sajith Premadasa, National Organiser Navin Dissanayake and secretary (Trade Unions) Ajith Perera were critical of this move.

Last Sunday, in the wake of critical media comments over changes in his party, Wickremesinghe issued a two-page statement. He said, “We also intend to create new posts by appointing a Secretary and Assistant Secretary to further strengthen and organize the party. We hope to give more opportunities to young Members of Parliament to help drive forward the Party’s mission. We are aiming to give specific responsibilities to each of the Members of Parliament and with this in mind we are developing an initial procedure to do this.” These assurances have not gone down well with sections of the UNP. One of them who did not wish to be identified said, “Such impending changes have been promised to us for years by our leader. Our concern is that nothing happens. What we are seeking is a democratic change in the party.”

Other UNP (albeit United National Front) members who took their oaths last Tuesday were Ravindra Samaraweera (Minister of Labour and Trade Union Relations), Sarath Fonseka (Sustainable Development, Wildlife and Regional Development), Daya Gamage (Social Welfare), Mano Ganesan (National Co-existence, Reconciliation and Official Languages), Sagala Ratnayake (Project Management, Youth Affairs and Southern Development — NOTE Project Management is an additional subject), D,M, Swaminathan (Rehabilitation, Resettlement, Northern Development and Hindu Religious Affairs), Thalatha Athukorale (Justice and Prison Reforms), Ranjith Madduma Bandara (Public Administration, Law and Order), Kabir Hashim (Highways and Road Development), P. Harrison (Social Empowerment), S.B. Navinna (Internal Affairs and Wayamba Development), and Lakshman Kiriella (Public Enterprise and Kandy Development).

Last Tuesday’s oaths ceremonies were reflective of the withdrawal mode the Government has gone into. Other than official media outlets, the private media was debarred from covering the oaths taking ceremony for the second time in succession. The Presidential Media Unit seems to have taken a cue from US President Donald Trump. Every time a minister was sworn in, they tweeted his name and title. The same withdrawal mode is reflected elsewhere too. One is tomorrow’s postponed May Day rallies. Particularly for political parties in Sri Lanka, it is an occasion to demonstrate their strength by drawing large crowds. This is what the ‘Joint Opposition’ did when it held its May Day rally at the Galle Face grounds last year drawing a record crowd. Though politicians in the government did not read the signals from this turnout and pooh-pooed it, it was made clear during the February 10 local polls.

This time the SLFP May Day rally is being held at Eravur in Batticaloa. The UNP has chosen a closed area, the Sugathadasa Stadium fro their rally today whilst the ‘Joint Opposition’ will gather at the ramparts in Galle tomorrow. In the case of UNP, some of its members want to keep away. One is former Minister Ranjith Aluvihare, Matale District MP. He told the Sunday Times, “Despite the good performance at the last Presidential and Parliamentary elections, the Matale district has been ignored. Even in this cabinet reshuffle the district has been ignored. As a result we will not be taking part in the May Day celebrations. The people are questioning me whether they are only needed to attend UNP meetings and rallies. Therefore we feel it is a useless effort to attend. We have issues in the district and we have not been able to address them. The unemployment issue is one of them.”

The Government’s communications machinery also appears to have collapsed or is working tardily. They have not been able to respond, leave alone effectively, to the issues raised by the opposition. Perhaps, with three different official spokespersons, one may be feeling it is the other’s responsibility. The only exception is to parrot out the decisions made at the weekly ministerial meetings. Here again, the versions could vary depending on who is giving the news. That no doubt has contributed heavily to public confusion not to mention the ill effects on the Colombo-based diplomatic community.

In the coming week, the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe coalition, which has won a new lease of life, would have to get down to business within a time frame of a year and seven months. That is to win back the hearts and minds of the people who ensconced them into power. At least in military terms it would be a do-or-die battle with many of the solemn promises made at the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections remaining unfulfilled.

Weeratunga, Mahendran allege political witch-hunt

Police team to fly to Paris to brief Interpol on allegations against the suspects
A delegation comprising top officers from the two main investigative arms of the Sri Lanka Police will fly to France to brief their Interpol counterparts on the investigations into two high profile cases — the procurement of MiG-27 fighter jets in 2006 from Ukraine and the massive bond scam at the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL).

Udayanga Weeratunga

The move follows an Interpol request for a detailed briefing with regard to the two cases where they have issued Red Notices on wanted suspects. One is in respect of Udayanga Weeratunga, a former Ambassador to Russia. He is a principal suspect in the probe now being conducted by the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID).

The other is Arjuna Mahendran, the former Governor of the Central Bank, a Singapore national, who is wanted for questioning by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) over the CBSL bond scam.

Both Weeratunga and Mahendran have filed appeals with Interpol over the red notices issued on them. A Red Notice is a request to locate and provisionally arrest someone pending extradition. It is issued at the request of a member country of Interpol or an international tribunal based on a valid national arrest warrant. An Interpol Review Board reviews appeals filed by those named in a Red Notice by closely examining the evidence and other details related to a case.

Arjuna Mahendran

The Sunday Times has learnt that both Weeratunga and Mahendran, on whom open warrants have been issued by courts in Sri Lanka, have taken up the same position – that investigations against them were politically motivated and termed them “witch hunts.”

Weeratunga, originally a resident of Ukraine where he ran a restaurant serving Sri Lankan cuisine, is now being held in detention in Abu Dhabi. He was arrested for being in that emirate without valid travel documents.

The government in United Arab Emirates (UAE) turned down a Sri Lanka request to hand over the former Russian Ambassador to face charges in Sri Lanka. The UAE Government has advised the Sri Lankan Government to initiate extradition proceedings. Though a UAE-Sri Lanka Extradition Treaty exists for well over 15 years, it has not been ratified by the Sri Lanka Parliament.

In the case of Mahendran, CID detectives who flew to Singapore to deliver the warrant could not locate him at his given address. However, later reports received by the CID had confirmed that he was present in Singapore. A high ranking source said yesterday that efforts to get down Mahendran to Sri Lanka were moving slowly due to several pressure moves, both in Colombo as well as in Singapore. “We have to surmount hurdle after hurdle,” he said.

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