Preparations ahead of President Maithripala Sirisena’s May 8 policy statement have all the trappings of a ‘new look’ coalition getting set to run the 17 months of its remaining tenure. The two partners – the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) — are giving ‘face lifts’ to their parties. At [...]

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New look coalition after President’s policy speech on May 8

Cabinet reshuffle at 10 am on May 1; subjects to be shared among present ministers -- Ranil names new office bearers but Sajith, Ajith and other members speak out; Ravi’s appointment starts a row -- Sirisena deftly handles crisis meeting of SLFP Central Committee, ignores moves to pull out from coalition, but promises restructuring after May 8
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Preparations ahead of President Maithripala Sirisena’s May 8 policy statement have all the trappings of a ‘new look’ coalition getting set to run the 17 months of its remaining tenure.

The two partners – the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) — are giving ‘face lifts’ to their parties. At least their leadership seems to believe it would earn them more votes at the 2020 presidential election and the parliamentary polls thereafter. The latter could even be held earlier than scheduled.

President Maithripala Sirisena tries his hand at a game of Olinda Keliya, when he visited the centre temple at the Dambulla Raja Maha Vihare on Friday. Pic by Kanchana Kumara Ariyadasa

This is if President Sirisena exercises his constitutional powers to dissolve Parliament after March 31, 2020. The 19th Amendment to the Constitution (Article 70) empowers him to do so after parliament completes four years and six months. Such a provision takes effect from “the date appointed for its first meeting.” After the August 17, 2015 parliamentary election, Parliament’s first meeting took place on September 1 of the same year.

That months of political bickering between the two major coalition partners has brought in its wake considerable instability and economic uncertainty to Sri Lanka is all too well known. Hence, Sirisena’s thrust is to spell out in his policy statement the priorities for the coalition. In general terms, he is to touch on sustainable development, environmental protection, secure local industries and ensure a corruption free society. Yet, he may have little to offer the common people reeling under the mounting burden of living costs. Another big blow to the people came on Friday when the price of cooking gas was increased by Rs 245 for a 12.5 kilogramme cylinder. This is likely to shoot up the prices of food items, consumer goods and services in most sectors. It comes at a time when the depreciation of the US dollar vis-à-vis the Sri Lankan rupee reached a historic record low this week. It continues amidst growing concerns. Logically imported food items and medicinal drugs will cost more. Added to that, an increase in fuel prices is due anytime now.

A Cabinet reshuffle will take place at 10 am on Tuesday May 1 at the Presidential Secretariat. The new Cabinet is likely to meet the same evening. Sirisena discussed the issue during a lengthy meeting with Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe on Friday evening. This is where they agreed on the date. Accompanying Wickremesinghe for these talks on behalf of the UNP was Minister Malik Samarawickrema. Since he resigned as chairman of the party, Samarawickrema does not hold any official position. If the ongoing talks are an indication, the Cabinet is not likely to be enlarged. Only the same subjects which are handled by different ministries would be grouped together. Government sources said it was unlikely that ministerial positions left vacant by the resignation of four SLFP ministers would be filled with newcomers. Instead, these subjects are to be distributed to other ministries. However, the prospects of new faces from the UNP are not being ruled out.

This notwithstanding, seating arrangements, where ministers meet for their weekly sessions, have been changed. Removed are four seats in the front row occupied by one time SLFP ministers — Susil Premjayantha, John Seneveratne, S.B. Dissanayake and Anura Priyadarshana Yapa. That left only three more SLFP ministers in the front row. They are Nimal Siripala de Silva, Mahinda Samarasinghe and Sarath Amunugama. The Cabinet room is the well of the former Parliament and now the Presidential Secretariat overlooking the Indian Ocean.

The former SLFP ministers in question, with their colleagues numbering 16, wrote a joint letter to Parliament Secretary General Dhammika Dasanayake, requesting allocation of seats in the Opposition benches. They expect these changes to be made before May 8 — no doubt a reminder to President Sirisena that the no confidence motion against Premier Wickremesinghe, which he encouraged, has boomeranged dividing the SLFP further. His last minute efforts to persuade at least a handful to stay behind did not yield results. The pro-Sirisena SLFP which held 42 seats in Parliament (formally under the name of UPFA plus recent cross overs) now has only 26. This is amidst growing speculation that two more SLFPers may end up with the UNP.

UNP reform stirs controversy
Meanwhile, nowhere has party reform generated so much controversy than in the UNP. Just three weeks after his party backers convincingly defeated a vote of no confidence, Premier Wickremesinghe announced changes. It came at a meeting of the so-called newly picked politburo which met at Temple Trees on Wednesday. Its members are Akila Viraj Kariyawasam, Navin Dissanayake, Harin Fernando, Ranjith Maddduma Bandara, Mangala Samaraweera, Ajith P Perera, Eran Wickramaratne, J C Alawathuwela, Ruwan Wijewardene, Gayantha Karunatilleke, Nalin Bandara and Asoka Priyantha.

The UNP, which identifies itself as a secular party, however, has no members of the Tamil or Muslim community in this politburo. Nor has the party, which has often espoused women’s causes including amendments to local government laws to enhance women’s representation, appointed any female member to the politburo. UNP Deputy Leader Sajith Premadasa and Assistant Leader Ravi Karunanayake, ex officio members, too were present. Also present in addition were former Chairman Malik Samarawickrema and former General Secretary Kabir Hashim.

In his introductory speech, Wickremesinghe said that the party’s General Secretary Kabir Hashim has resigned. When he was offered the post once again, Hashim had refused to accept it. Hence he was naming Kurunegala District parliamentarian and Minister Akila Viraj Kariyawasam as the new General Secretary of the UNP. He praised him for the contribution he has made to the party and declared he was most suitable. The Premier said Kabir Hashim would be the Chairman whilst Harsha de Silva was named as Treasurer. Named as National Organiser was Nuwara Eliya District parliamentarian and Minister Navin Dissanayake. The position of National Organiser was created when onetime SLFP Minister S.B. Dissanayake crossed over to the UNP in 2001 with eight other People’s Alliance members. The position was thereafter held by Digamadulla District parliamentarian and Minister Daya Gamage. Both complained during their terms that they were not entrusted with any responsibility in that position. Known for his caustic comments, S.B. Dissanayake then told a party colleague “Mata kisima kehel malakwath thibun nehe” or somewhat sarcastically “I did not have even a banana flower” when he was National Organiser.

The UNP Chairman, General Secretary, Treasurer and National Organiser positions, interesting enough, are all alumni of Royal College. In the not too distant past, appointments by Premier Wickremesinghe of those from his alma mater saw the creation of a sobriquet – FRCS. The letters usually referred to those who qualified as a Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons in Britain. However, in this instance they stood for Former Royal College Students. On a more serious note, the UNP, which committed itself to a new constitution and to move towards reconciliation by addressing minority issues has no member of the Tamil community in the leadership. Nor is there a female, contrary to the party’s pledges of gender equality.

The only exception to the Royal College lineage was Ruwan Wijewardene, State Minister of Defence who had his early education at St Thomas Preparatory, Kollupitiya. Nevertheless he politely declined the post of Deputy General Secretary. He recommended that the post be given to Eran Wickremeratne. He said the now State Minister for Finance has made a great contribution to the party. His remarks came when the UNP’s Working Committee met on Thursday morning to endorse Wickremesinghe’s recommendations which have been accepted by the politburo. Wickremesinghe who chaired the meeting pointed out that such an appointment to Wickremeratne would amount to a demotion. A senior UNPer at the meeting noted that Wijewardene’s appointment to be Deputy General Secretary too could be viewed as a demotion of sorts by sections of the party though the UNP leader may have not intended it to be so. This is on the basis that he had served the six member Leadership Council of the UNP in 2014. Chaired by Karu Jayasuriya it also included Sajith Premadasa, Ravi Karunanayake, Lakshman Kiriella and Talatha Athukorala.

At Wednesday’s politburo meeting, after Wickremesinghe made the surprise announcement, some members criticised the move. One was Navin Dissanayake who was named National Organiser. He said that the UNP General Secretary should have been a full time person and not a Cabinet Minister. He said the system had to be changed and there was no meaning in continuing with the existing set up. His argument was that a full time General Secretary would be able to devote more time at Sri Kotha, the party headquarters in Kotte, and also visit different electorates to build grassroots level party organisations.

Deputy Leader Sajith Premadasa noted that Wickremesinghe had made those nominations as the leader of the party. He said he was personally worried about the repercussions it would cause on the leader. He urged that he runs through his nominees with backbenchers since that would only be fair. He also had a word of praise for Kabir Hashim “who took us through some difficult times.” He noted that he may not be too happy to continue in that post. He said he would appeal to Wickremesinghe to re-consider his move. He said he was of the strong view that onetime Media Minister and then Beruwala MP Imtiaz Bakeer Markar should be named the General Secretary of the party. “I will still say that. If the leader has still decided it should not be so, I will fall in line with his thinking,” he added.

Two senior citizens of the party, Ministers John Ameratunga and Gamini Jayawickrema Perera, were to admonish Premadasa for making those remarks which they opined amounted to criticising the leader. Ameratunga said when the late J.R. Jayewardene was the UNP leader, no one dared to direct any criticism at him. Perera added that it was not acceptable. Premadasa declared in the recent past he had not even given newspaper comments or interviews due to the fear that they could be misinterpreted. Yet, he argued, he should not be prevented from making his views known at a party meeting. That was why such meetings were held.

Premadasa’s remarks also sparked a verbal duel with former minister and Colombo District MP Ravi Karunanayake. He charged that the words ‘back benchers’ were being used by Premadasa to pursue his own ends. He claimed “they are the ones who are provoking headlines” and leaking information to the media. Unmoved by the remarks, Premadasa responded, “I only gave my point of view. I am entitled to it. If the Prime Minister has taken a decision, so be it. I will fall in line. However, I am entitled to express a view.” Wickremesinghe hurriedly intervened to say that the matter was now closed since the decisions had been taken. Participants agreed they would meet at Sri Kotha on Thursday morning (next day) so the party’s Working Committee could formally endorse the politburo decisions. In terms of the UNP constitution, the Working Committee is the policymaking body. The turnout at that meeting, less than half of the 100 membership, did cause some concern among senior members.

The first to raise issue at the Working Committee was onetime Speaker Joseph Michael Perera. He objected strongly to the re-appointment of Ravi Karunanayake as Assistant Leader. He said that since his name had been associated with issues questioning his integrity, he should first clear his name. The objection was overruled by Wickremesinghe. He pointed out that in terms of the UNP constitution, a decision made by the leader could be challenged only by a third of the membership of the Working Committee making a signed request to discuss such a matter. Perera declared that he planned to speak on the issue even in the future and would therefore resign from the Working Committee. He said that would enable him to speak out freely.

Also protesting Karunanayake’s re-appointment was actor turned politician Ranjan Ramanayake. Looking at Wickremesinghe, he asked “Sir, why don’t you wait till his name (Karunanayake’s) is cleared?” The UNP leader retorted “are you for or against?” At that stage Kalutara District parliamentarian and State Minister Ajith Perera intervened to say “Sir, instead of asking ‘are you for or against’, why don’t you ask whether they like the appointments?” There was silence.
Perera was critical of Wickremesinghe. He surprised those present by insisting that the UNP leader should step down and make way for another. He asked whether these were the reforms the party leader had promised. He also charged that it was not proper only to appoint Wickremesinghe’s schoolmates at Royal College to top positions and ignore the interests of the party. An unidentified voice accused Perera of criticising the party leadership. He denied the accusations.
Sajith Premadasa made a case for the top level leadership of the party being elected. I am happy even if my position is challenged. I would like to be elected.

Echoing Premadasa’s sentiments were Navin Dissanayake. He recalled an instance where his father (late Gamini Dissanayake) “had played a game against” Wickremesinghe and won. He did not elaborate but said on another occasion, however, he had also lost. He proposed that the top level leadership of the party should be elected by secret ballot. “I would like to be elected than being selected,” he said. However, Wickremesinghe reminded him that there was no provision in the party constitution for that purpose.

The call for reforms in the UNP has echoed in the political firmament for years now. Not surprisingly when what is sought and what is carried out are at great variance. It assumed greater significance after a pro-Sirisena SLFP group backed by the ‘Joint Opposition’ moved a vote of no confidence in Parliament against Premier Wickremesinghe on April 4. In the weeks before, Wickremesinghe came under heavy pressure from his party members to re-organise the UNP by making structural changes that would lead to strengthening of their support base countrywide. Three weeks after the motion was defeated, the question is whether the new appointments will achieve this goal. More so, with a 17-moth time frame after which two major elections, presidential and parliamentary, are due. Going by what transpired at the Working Committee, it seems highly unlikely. Opinion in the party is sharply divided. On the one side are Wickremesinghe loyalists whilst on the other are those who do not favour the recent appointment of a General Secretary.

It only portends more problems for the UNP. No new positions have been created at the top level except the inclusion of four names — Kabir Hashim as Chairman, Akila Viraj Kariyawasam as General Secretary, Navin Dissanayake as National Organiser and Harsha de Silva as Treasurer. At the next tier, Ajith Perera has been placed in charge of trade unions whilst Minister Harin Fernando has been tasked to be responsible for communications. In other words, a group of UNP ministers and ministers of state have taken over new positions at their headquarters. There is no other action plan or a programme that extends beyond Colombo. How that change becomes a re-structuring of the party is one issue. Another, which is even more important, is over who benefits most from the exercise, the United National Party (UNP) or its leader Ranil Wickremesinghe?

Ranil consolidates his position
One is not wrong in concluding that it consolidates Wickremesinghe’s position at a newer level with limited benefits for the party, if at all. Firstly, he sailed through the no-confidence vote. If that was a setback for President Sirisena, who was keen to remove him as Prime Minister, Wickremesinghe became unassailable. In a tongue in cheek remark, a senior UNPer says “we should thank Sirisena for this. He has strengthened our leader.” The other is the appointment of Akila Viraj Kariyawasam as the General Secretary – the most powerful position in any recognised political party. It is this office that the National Elections Commission (NEC) recognises on the appointment of elected candidates as Members of Parliament, local authorities and Provincial Councils or their dismissals. It is no secret that Kariyawasam, also a coconut planter now, was introduced to national politics and groomed by Wickremesinghe.

He was one of his closest confidants and is considered to be a member of the inner circle. Indications that he was in for a top slot emerged when he voiced the views of his leader for days, after the defeat of the no-confidence motion. Even if a formidable section of the UNP is opposed to Kariyawasam’s appointment, there is no gainsaying that Wickremesinghe now has one of his most trusted lieutenants in that post. That way, he has strengthened himself further in the party making it difficult for his detractors to oust him easily.

SLFP reorganisation
Hard on the heels of the UNP’s so-called re-organisation, the SLFP too appears to have taken the cue. Of course, the reasons are somewhat different from that of the UNP. The thrust appears to be the unhappiness of the membership over the SLFP General Secretary Duminda Dissanayake and UPFA General Secretary Mahinda Amaraweera. It heightened after the duo took part in meetings to support the no-confidence vote but later absented themselves in Parliament at voting time. Their votes were marked as abstentions.

At the end of last Tuesday’s weekly cabinet meeting, Sirisena spoke with the eight remaining ministers of the SLFP. He told them that he had summoned a meeting of the Central Committee for that evening — wrongly construed by sections of the media that a decision was due for SLFP to part ways from the coalition. However, Sirisena told the SLFP ministers that the meeting was for a threefold purpose — discuss party trade union matters, the May Day celebrations and re-organisation of the SLFP. Thereafter, he had three separate meetings, all with SLFPers.

The first was with the 16 MPs who voted for the no-confidence motion and later sent in their resignations. Three of their emissaries — Chandima Weerakody, Dilan Perera and Lakshman Wasantha Perera — even flew to London when President Sirisena was there to attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM). An eyewitness said they were seen seated in the lobby of the Park Lane Hilton where Sirisena stayed. On one occasion, when Sirisena had arrived, he had nodded his head at their presence and walked away. Later, however, Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva, senior deputy leader of the SLFP, obtained for them an appointment for a meeting. This is where Sirisena had agreed to another meeting when he returned to Colombo.

Former State Minister Lakshman Yapa Abeywardena told the Sunday Times,
“We had a general discussion and decided to have a further meeting on a date between May 8 and 15. It is at this meeting we will be taking decisions. We requested from the President to grant permission for the 16 members to sit separately in parliament on May 8. Approval was granted for this. Though we will be sitting separately, we will still remain as SLFP members. We may support the ‘joint opposition’ on certain decisions such as opposing the UNP.”

“We also discussed about the future of the SLFP-UNP Memorandum of Understanding which lapsed last year. We queried about the future of the MoU and in case the parties agree to continue with it, the duration and the terms and conditions. We also questioned about the proposed party reforms. We decided that we will complete the discussions.”
Former Minister Susil Premjayantha, another of the 16 member group, said yesterday, they had urged President Sirisena to quit the coalition. He said they were supportive of the party re-organisation. During the 90-minute meeting with him, Premjayantha said they urged President Sirisena to appoint new office bearers for the party. Thereafter the SLFP parliamenery group met.

The Central Committee meeting on Tuesday night turned out to be significant. Some members tried to veer away from the stated agenda and call for a vote on the SLFP to part ways with the UNP. Sirisena handled the issue deftly pointing out that it was no occasion to divide the party. He declared there was no necessity to go for a vote and cause a division.
It was former ministers S.B. Dissanayake and Susil Premjayantha who proposed jointly that all party positions should have new appointees. Sirisena, however, did not respond to the specific request. He said that in re-organising the SLFP, he proposed to consult even members of the public for their views. The first steps towards re-organisation, he said, would begin after May 8.

Whilst the UPFA will hold its May Day rally on May 7 in Batticaloa, there will also be some observances in Colombo on May 1. This is a meeting at a Committee Room of the BMICH where the party will remember its trade union leaders and the contribution they have made. That way, even if there is no holiday on May 1, the UPFA would have had ceremonies to mark May Day — a privilege it denied to other parties and trade unions by shifting the holiday. Sirisena was also critical about the media. He told SLFP members, “you should not give headlines” (meaning provide information) to the media. He noted that it was being used to cause instability in the country.

With some promises in store when Sirisena makes his policy statement, for the first time since he took over the running of the country’s economy, the coming weeks and months will remain crucial. The biggest problems for the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe coalition are not the grandiose plans for development. Instead, it is the reality that a larger mass of the people will see their stomachs hurt more as living costs keep soaring. Cosmetic changes to their parties and verbal pledges will not even be poor comforters. Therein lies their dilemma.

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