With less than three weeks to go for the presidential poll the opposition has complained of increasingly blatant violation of election law by the government camp.More than in the case of previous elections, the violations this time have tended to strengthen the opposition’s case against the regime, vindicating the position that it is corrupt and [...]

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Maithri’s manifesto – where does the roadmap lead?

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With less than three weeks to go for the presidential poll the opposition has complained of increasingly blatant violation of election law by the government camp.More than in the case of previous elections, the violations this time have tended to strengthen the opposition’s case against the regime, vindicating the position that it is corrupt and oppressive. This reality does not seem to have dawned on those instigating or turning a blind eye to the usual catalogue of offences. This time around, every time someone is assaulted, a stage destroyed, an election office vandalised, loudspeakers removed or power cut off during a meeting, the public are given a display, in a microcosmic form, of what the opposition campaign is about (putting an end to ‘dhooshitha paalanaya’).

No new architecture
That said, it may be seen that the Maithripala campaign while it is strong on attacking corruption and ending family bandyism, is less than satisfactory in explaining to people just where its proposed new government is heading. This is evident in the manifesto of the New Democratic Front launched by opposition common candidate Sirisena on Friday. While the document reads well in parts, it lacks a clear, overall policy line that pulls together the different strands in its agenda. It deals with ‘righting wrongs’ without really offering a new architecture with which to replace the old.

On the Economy for example, a ‘bagful of goodies’ is on offer by way of price reductions, subsidies, reduced taxes etc, but there is no clear statement on economic policy. There is a conspicuous absence of a clear stance, or even line of approach, in three vital areas — national reconciliation, the ongoing UN OHCHR war crimes investigation and foreign policy.

SLFP support
Among the most courageous aspects of the manifesto are, its categorical pledge to ban the import of poisonous agrochemicals causing kidney disease and deaths of Rajarata farmers, and the promise to introduce the national medicinal drugs policy legislation that has been delayed for years. The document’s strongest sections are on Health, Agriculture and Energy security. The reason is fairly obvious — the knowledgeable input here has come from the former health minister Sirisena, who hails from the agricultural district of Polonnaruwa, and former energy minister Champika Ranawaka.

On the key issue in the opposition campaign, which is the abolition of the executive presidency, the document’s language is vague. Sirisena admits that the constitutional amendment he seeks can only be done through parliament, and says “I can obtain the support of the Members of Parliament of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party that has the majority in Parliament.” Whether he can do this of course remains to be seen.

Background material
He goes on to explain that he has agreements with the UNP and the JHU to support this move and “therefore I will discuss with other parties and pass this amendment without fail within hundred days.” It would seem that the voter is expected to take a great deal on trust in this matter. Repealing the 18th Amendment and setting up independent commissions also come within the ’100 days’ agenda. This too would require the legislature’s support.
Sirisena says in changing the executive presidential system he will use as background material the agreement reached by Ven Maduluwawe Sobitha Thera and the 19th Amendment proposals of Ven Athuruliye Rathana Thera, adding “I will also consider the changes proposed to these proposals by the United National Party.” The latter are unknown to the public at this point.

International relations
Under the heading of ‘International Relations’ there is a rather cryptic statement: “The country’s foreign policy will be formulated to reflect the government’s national opinion.” What on earth does this mean? It goes on to say:

“Equal relations will be established with India, China, Pakistan and Japan — the principal countries of Asia while improving friendly relations with emerging Asian nations such as Thailand, Indonesia, and Korea without distinction. Our Indian policy will take into due consideration the diversity of India. I would act to have closer relations with an attitude that would be neither anti-Indian nor dependent.”

There is no mention of Non-alignment, nor any reference to the context of shifting power alignments in the world in general, and the Indian Ocean Region in particular. There is also no mention of relations with the West. By far the strangest policy advocated in the document is its proposed response to human rights related allegations. The prescription here seems to be, to ‘preach Buddhism to the West.’ Will ‘Western enlightenment’ come fast enough to protect the president and armed forces from the assault of a lopsided UN inquiry?

Post war context
Sirisena is on public record having said he will be Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces and retain powers relating to national security and provincial councils. But nowhere does the document spell out the role that Sirisena as president will play, or what powers he will hold, if any. This document is not merely about the powers that Maithripala Sirisena may or may not hold, but about a constitutional change that will determine the structure of the Sri Lankan state in the future as well. Is it not important for citizens to know who would wield these powers, if not the president?

The gaps in the manifesto beg the question as to whether the SLFP-UNP-JHU coalition partners have failed to reach agreement in some areas. Or did they lack the required expertise to flesh out certain sections (which they could have done by seeking input from intellectuals sympathetic to their cause). The silences also may create doubts as to whether understandings have been reached among parties which are not being disclosed to the public at this point.

The NDF manifesto’s weakness seems to be that it seeks to ‘please the masses’ while underestimating their expectations. People are better educated now, and in the post-war context there has been a shift towards more aspirational goals. The Maithripala manifesto in seeking to ‘offer a sop’ at every turn, fails to comprehend this reality.

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