Political Column  

CBK won't take hands off SLFP

Crisis in Media Ministry as SLRC and SLBC become two-headed

With chores related to the State no longer her concern, former President Chandrika Bandarnaike basked in the summer sunshine in London this week. She was at Lord’s, the home of the Marleybourne Cricket Club to watch the first test between Sri Lanka and England.

Later, she attended a reception by the Sri Lanka High Commissioner, Kshenuka Seneviratne in honour of our cricketers. Instead of talking on how the young Lankan lads saved the day by successfully edging the match to a draw, she was in a corner locked in deep conversation with former Sri Lanka captain and now parliamentarian, Arjuna Ranatunga. The latter was by her side even at the grounds.

They were of course talking about a different game, politics in Sri Lanka. Holiday or no holiday, summer or no summer, Kumaratunga made it a point to keep tabs of what was going on in Colombo. More particularly she was focused on keeping her post as President of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).

It was only a month ago, Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera, her one time close ally saved the post for her. That was during the annual convention of the SLFP in Maharagama where a resolution was to be moved to appoint President Mahinda Rajapaksa. Mr. Samaraweera intervened and wanted the matter taken up when Kumaratunga returned to Colombo. That was to be in the first week of May but that week has come and gone. Nothing happened.

Last week SLFP General Secretary, Maithripala Sirisena had sent Kumaratunga the draft of a resolution the party's central committee was to adopt. That was to make provision for a party member who is President of Sri Lanka should also be the President of the SLFP. Such a person would cease to become President of the party only when he ceases to function as President of the country. In effect the aim was to make President Rajapaksa the President of the SLFP. Upon completion of his tenure as president, thus the party presidency would fall vacant.

This week when the Central Committee of the party met, the amendments were to be taken up for discussion. However, that was not possible. Kumaratunga had responded promptly to Sirisena's letter and the draft resolution. She had asked him for ten days' time. Until then she has said that no action should be taken by the party on the amendments. As a one party high ranker remarked, it was easy for Rajapaksa to contest the polls and become Executive President. It was more difficult for him to become the party president since more and more obstacles were coming his way. He surmised that Kumaratunga was playing for time on the grounds that soon the party would have no time to discuss such issues. Rajapaksa would be engrossed on more burning national issues.

Even if there were no new issues, Rajapaksa undoubtedly was coping with many issues besides the most crucial one --the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) veering away from the negotiating table to the battleground. One such issue was in the country's national television network, Rupavahini.

Last week an official in the Media Ministry summoned SLRC chairman Newton Gunaratne to his office. There he gave him bad news - Media and Information Minister Anura Priyadarshana Yapa had wanted him to hand in his resignation. Gunaratne, earned former President Chandrika Kumaratunga's ire after being at the forefront of Rajapaksa's presidential election campaign and for giving prominence to Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). That was when he was Chairman of ITN. He demanded the reason. The official was unable to explain except to say those were his orders. Gunaratne was to say that he was appointed by the President and not by the Media Minister.

Gunaratne got in touch with President's Secretary Lalith Weeratunga and later with MP Dullas Allahapperuma, the shadow Media Minister. The advice was not to resign. But by then, Gunaratne had been offered another job -- Director General of the Presidential Media Unit. But he did not want to part from his present job.

An angry Media Minister Yapa was heard complaining to his colleagues that Gunaratne did not pay heed to his directives. Often when he raised issue, the only answer he had got was how he had dined with President Rajapaksa or that the President had not wanted something done. Hence, Yapa explained he had also consulted the President.

To resolve the issue, Rajapaksa met both Yapa and Gunaratne at a meeting. The latter was there armed with a file full of letters Yapa had sent recommending persons for appointments to various slots in the SLRC. Gunaratne had been contending that if he made those appointments, SLRC would be overstaffed. No issues were discussed in detail. Rajapaksa used his charm and poise on both. The meeting ended with Rajapaksa insisting that the Minister and the Chairman of the SLRC having to work more closely and more cordially. The latter was to deny any differences. But he was told that the advice was not because there were such differences. It was more on the need to ensure a smoother working of the SLRC. That ended the drama. Gunaratne continues as Chairman of the SLRC.

But there was another surprise move in the SLRC this week. One time United National Party MP Sarath Kongahage was appointed to a top slot in the SLRC and the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC). It came with the blessings of President Rajapaksa.

One of the characteristic traits of President Rajapaksa is showing gratitude to people who have been helping him. A close presidential aide said Kongahage kept in close touch with President's Secretary Lalith Weeratunga. He kept him informed of matters that tended to harm Rajapaksa, because he genuinely liked him. One such move, the aide said, was a reported attempt by former President Kumaratunga to have Rajapaksa arrested over the 'Helping Hambantota' investigation.

In the run-up to the Presidential election, one of Rajapaksa's major concerns had been whether he, as Prime Minister, would be arrested by his own President on charges of fraud and misappropriation of funds collected in the immediate aftermath of the tsunami into a so-called private fund, 'Helping Hambantota'. That would have certainly put paid to his chances of becoming the President.

Rajapaksa's camp was alerted to plans that camera crew were standing by to provide TV coverage if the arrest was to materialize. On the other hand, SLFP old hands were worried that UNPers were winning top plums. At first it was Keheliya Rambukwela who was made defence spokesman over a number of other party faithful. They say now it is Kongahage and that there are more on the list.

President Rajapaksa also had to apply the brakes on new legislation which the Government wanted to bring through the Electricity Reforms Bill. It was to be taken up in Parliament on Tuesday.

The fact that it would not come up in Parliament prompted a meeting of party leaders. That was to discuss what other business should be slotted in. There was a diversion when the issue of salaries to Prime Minister and other parliamentarians became the subject of discussion. It was pointed out that the salaries of the Chief Justice and judges of the superior courts have been raised. Consequently, there were some disparities in the precedence table. If the Prime Minister was senior to the Chief Justice in the precedence table, his salary was lower. A move to raise the salary of the Prime Minister and MPs was then discussed. It drew objections from JVP's Wimal Weerawansa. He said it would not be appropriate at a time when the people were complaining about the cost of living. Speaker W.J.M. Lokubandara also wanted his dissent recorded, and a decision reached.

Weerawansa proposed that Parliament sittings on May 25 (Thursday) should be allotted for a debate on the May 11 attempt by the LTTE to attack the passenger ferry Pearl Cruiser II in the north eastern deep seas. Weerawansa said that the House should recognize the bravado of the Navy men who saved the lives of more than 710 troops in that encounter. Earlier, the day had been allotted for a condolence vote on the late Joseph Pararajasingham, TNA MP from the Batticaloa district. This vote has now been moved to Friday, May 26.

The LTTE attacks at sea on May 11 also became a subject focused on by Foreign Minister Samaraweera who was on an official visit to Japan. Samaraweera had changed the title of a brief speech he was to make at a media conference, to Terrorism, Peace and Democracy in Sri Lanka. During question time, a journalist asked him whether it was not the JVP and the JHU that were impediments to the peace process in Sri Lanka. Samaraweera defended both these parties, and charged that it was the LTTE. He said they were behaving like "recalcitrant children".

Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera meeting Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe in Tokyo. AFP

Samraweera also took part in a joint discussion with Japan's special envoy to the peace process, Yasushi Akashi in a TV programme aired by NHK television. At one point Samaraweera declared that one should not equate the Government of Sri Lanka with the LTTE. Akashi was to nod in agreement. Later Akashi praised President Mahinda Rajapaksa as a pragmatic leader who had a genuine feeling for the country.

"We can only take them to water. We cannot force them to drink," he said referring to his efforts to get the Government and the LTTE to the negotiating table.

The focus in the coming days is bound to be the events that unfold in the European Union with regard to the banning of the LTTE throughout Europe.

The first salvo was fired soon after the Lakshman Kadirgamar assassination in August last year, where the LTTE was slapped with a travel restriction. To show they were smarter, they insisted that the peace talks that the EU among others were forcing down their throats, take place in a European city.

The EU, it seems was not amused. The continued killing of servicemen - 212 since the November Presidential elections, has taken its toll on the patience of the EU, which will now pursue the LTTE-fund-raising activities in Europe as a priority.

But a dry wit was to say, that straw that broke the camel’s back was nothing else but the audacity of the LTTE to target two Norwegian truce monitors on the Sri Lanka Navy ships. Now, that was a very bad thing for the LTTE to have done.


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