Is this the beginning of Eelam war IV?


Norway's special envoy for the peace process arrives in Kilinochchi by a Sri Lanka Air Force Mi-17 helicopter. He was accompanied by Norway's Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Hans Brattaskar. They were met by the head of this LTTE Peace secretariat, S. Prabagaran alias Pulithevan

There are some stark realities to the latest phase of the shadow war launched by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) against the armed forces and the Police.

For the past 16 days, since the murder of Vanniasingham Vigneswaran (51), a staunch LTTE supporter, Tiger guerrilla attacks have increased. As President of the Trincomalee District Tamil People's Forum, he was responsible for a string of Hartals and anti-Government protests.

A father of three, he was to be parliamentarian for the Tamil National Alliance (TNA). That was to fill the vacancy caused by the murder of Joseph Pararajasingham in Batticaloa. Mr Vigneswaran was gunned down outside the Bank of Ceylon office at Inner Harbour Road in Trincomalee on April 7. The incident occurred within the High Security Zone (HSZ) at a spot only a stone's throw away from the main gates of the Dockyard, home for the Eastern Naval Area Headquarters.

Since then, at least 51 armed forces and police personnel have been killed. The incidents, which work out to an average of three deaths per day to the security establishment, were caused largely by claymore bomb attacks. Such attacks in the weeks following the presidential elections last year led to the deaths of more than 98 armed forces and police personnel.
Yesterday three different claymore bomb explosions, two in Thandikulam (north of Vavuniya) and one in Welikanda killed an officer and three soldiers.


LTTE's new high tech claymore bomb

A striking feature, in as far as it relates to the hi-tech claymore bomb attacks, is the reality that not one guerrilla had died or sustained injuries. The use of this lethal weapon, controlled remotely, besides inflicting casualties on troops, is intended to restrict their mobility. This is reminiscent of the 1980s when the scourge of landmine explosions caused a similar problem.

Troops had to be deployed for daily route clearing tasks whilst helicopters were used to air drop supplies including food to military installations. Though not extensively, the LTTE has used claymore bombs in the past too using radio frequencies to blast them. They have now gone hi-tech and improvised mechanisms to use mobile phones as well to trigger them.

This indeed is a new LTTE innovation during the more than four year long ceasefire. The extensive use of claymore bombs, whilst taking a toll of armed forces and police, was not exposing the guerrillas to any harm. This is in marked contrast to other modus operandi during earlier phases of the so called Eelam wars.

At the beginning the LTTE thrust human wave after wave of guerrilla cadres to breach armed forces defences. Most died during the initial waves. Later, a few succeeded in breaking through enabling others to infiltrate and cause damage. An example of how this played came during the LTTE attack (code named Oyatha Alaikal II or Unceasing Waves II) on the armed forces headquarters in Kilinochchi in September 1998. Using human wave after wave to attack defended localities, no doubt, became a problem for the LTTE. They found it difficult to replace the losses. It became the main contributory factor to conscription of children. Yet, numbers were dwindling.

Another innovation, the use of stand off weapons or indirect fire, followed. Guerrillas resorted to the extensive use of mortar and artillery. In the flat Northern terrain shorn of heavy jungles and littered with sparse thickets, it became lethal. An example of this phenomenon came during the armed forces advance from Eluthumaduwal (south of the Jaffna peninsula) towards Pallai during "Operation Agni Khiela" (or Rod of Fire) in April 2001. Troops advancing on two different lanes in the thin isthmus that links the mainland to the peninsula, clearing heavily laden land mines, died or sustained serious injuries. Mortar and artillery rained on them. Some who tried to avoid ran into minefields causing bloody havoc.

And now, successfully building a stronger military machine during the ceasefire, the LTTE has come up with a further innovation - the use of the hi-tech claymore bomb. In addition to artillery and mortars, which intelligence officials confirm were stockpiled during shipments smuggled in during the ceasefire, together with the locally assembled claymore bomb, appears to be the most lethal in LTTE leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran's new arsenal for a future high intensity confrontation with the armed forces. It is known that explosives, transmitters and receivers for these claymore bombs were smuggled into the country in very large quantities.

Of this, in the ongoing shadow war, the use of hi-tech claymore bombs becomes significant for many reasons. It is continuing to cause death and injury to troops whilst not placing the guerrillas in harm's way. But a more important aspect is the training that has been given to civilians who have been formed into militias to assist the guerrillas. They have been taught how to place claymore bombs and use remote controlled devices to explode them. In other words, the LTTE has managed to successfully use civilians to carry out claymore bomb attacks in addition to their cadres. This also enables the LTTE to use their own cadres on other battlefield tasks.

This new capability by the LTTE has come in the midst of intense preparations for war during the ceasefire. The former United National Front (UNF) Government negotiated the Ceasefire Agreement that helped the LTTE, either by neglect or otherwise, to become militarily stronger. The situation was made very much worse by the former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. She took over the Ministries of Defence, Interior and Mass Communication from the UNF Government in November 2003 on the grounds that national security was fast deteriorating. She did little or nothing.

If national security interests were grossly neglected, she also did not initiate any action to curb widespread corruption and malpractices in military procurements. Millions of dollars or billions of rupees were spent on this. Not a single case was brought to book during her eleven year tenure as President. There were widespread complaints in the security establishment that promotions and extended terms of service were granted largely to her favourites.

Without question, as then Minister of Defence and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, she is answerable for the neglect of national security interests particularly after she seized the defence portfolio from the UNF Government. The damage caused is now becoming clearer.
As a result of these developments, the LTTE continued to use the period of the ceasefire to further develop a conventional military force. Besides smuggling in sophisticated weaponry, expanding its land forces, strengthening its sea going arm, the Sea Tigers, during this period the LTTE also developed an air capability.

Besides acquiring light aircraft, it has constructed a 1.4 kilometre long airstrip south east of the Iranamadu irrigation tank in Kilinochchi. The fact that night flying training is going on has been repeatedly confirmed through intelligence channels. Thus, the LTTE has on the one hand transformed its military machine to cope with a conventional role whilst on the other retained the capability to continue with its guerrilla campaign.
This campaign in the form of claymore bomb strikes and attacks at sea on naval craft are being stepped up with a multi pronged objective.

The result of casualties, the arrival of body bags in the South is intended not only to embarrass the Government but also mount pressure on it to yield to LTTE demands. In addition, it is also intended to create both political and economic instability. An intensification of such attacks, the LTTE expects, would force the Government to order armed forces to retaliate thus triggering off a major confrontation. On the other hand, it also believes the armed forces may react on their own if casualties continue to mount or when the guerrillas carry out a major attack.

This has raised the all important question whether the LTTE has in fact launched the early stages of Eelam War IV. This is not only because of the increase in the number of attacks. There have been reports of fresh deployment of cadres, mortar and artillery positions at several locations in the Wanni. Additional cadres were being deployed into guerrilla positions north of Vavuniya including the Weli Oya sector to prevent possible armed forces incursions.

A fresh and hurried recruitment campaign has been launched with guerrilla leaders addressing students attending classes in private tutories. The LTTE has taken a lesson from the armed forces and are offering an amnesty to those who deserted ranks. A monthly stipend is being offered with promises of penalties, including death, against them being waived. Meetings are being held to invite them to rejoin. LTTE Political Wing leader, S.P. Thamilselvan has been addressing such meetings in the past weeks. Military training for civilians, particularly employees in the state and private sectors, has been stepped up.

They are being grouped into units of the "Makkal Padai" or People's Force, both in the North and the East. The one and only reason that is preventing the early stages of Eelam War IV escalating into a major conflict is the restraint now being exercised by the armed forces. If they were to retaliate against the LTTE, a high intensity war would have already commenced no matter whether there were more talks in Geneva. This is notwithstanding the Ceasefire Agreement of February 2002, to which both the Government and the LTTE continue to pledge adherence.

The Government has accused the LTTE of triggering off a wave of violent incidents. The LTTE, in turn, is accusing the paramilitary groups backed by armed forces for the murder of its civilian supporters including, among others, those helping to raise funds, recruiting cadres, operating transport services and helping in intelligence gathering - a charge that is being strongly denied. Yet there remain tit-for-tat battles in this sometimes silent war.

Adding to this situation are intelligence reports of attempts by the LTTE to trigger off a communal backlash, particularly in the Trincomalee district. Towards this end, intelligence sources say, hardline guerrilla cadres have moved into the area. This follows the incidents that took place during the Avurudu period in the Trincomalee town followed by the aftermath of a claymore mine attack in Dehiwatta that killed a home guard on Friday. The LTTE backed Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation (TRO) has already made a worldwide appeal for financial assistance for over 3,000 internally displaced persons temporarily housed in six different locations in Trincomalee.

Like all previous regimes, the Government's media machinery remains woefully inadequate and even inefficient to deal with the ongoing developments. A shocking fact is a recent news release, issued on a blank sheet of paper. It came from the Joint Operations Headquarters (JOH) giving details of incidents in Trincomalee. Meant for distribution to foreign and local media, it spoke of "civil riots." Needless to say the actions of the Mahinda Rajapakasa Government are not being projected correctly to Sri Lankans and the world outside. The sooner it is rectified, the better it is. Otherwise, as has been the case, the LTTE will continue to remain active in its propaganda effectively using its websites and other outlets.
It is in this backdrop that valiant efforts were made to persuade the LTTE to return to Geneva for the second round of talks.

Norway's Special Envoy for the peace process, Jon Hanssen Bauer has delayed his departure from Colombo. He put off an appointment scheduled for Saturday in London with LTTE chief negotiator, Anton Balasingham. This is until the Head of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission, retired Swedish Major General Ulf Henriccson returned from Kilinochchi to Colombo.
Maj. Gen. Henriccson carried a message conveying Government's formal acceptance on the use of a private helicopter or a privately owned sea going vessel to ferry LTTE's eastern military leaders to Kilinochchi. This was for a meeting with their leader, Mr. Prabhakaran. Though the offer was originally conveyed to Mr Thamilselvan by Norway's Special Envoy Mr Bauer, a formal document officially reiterating the Government's acceptance and assuring security had been carried by Maj. Gen. (retd.) Henriccson.

Earlier, Mr. Thamilselvan said in a letter to Norway's Ambassador Hans Brattskar that until "the hurdles in front of us to attend Geneva talks are removed and a more conducive environment created, our Geneva team is unable to come to Geneva talks." He wanted Norway to pressure the Government "to implement the Ceasefire Agreement in letter and spirit, to implement in particular what was agreed upon at the Geneva talks, and to prevent it from altering the practices already put in place." He added: "It is only through these measures the conducive environment for future peace talks will be created."

Yesterday Maj. Gen. Henriccson returned to Colombo without a having a meeting with Mr. Thamilselvan. LTTE is learnt to have taken up the position that no purpose would be served by a meeting since neither Norway nor the Government had made any new offers. This cast serious doubts on future talks between the Government and the LTTE.

In the wake of this disturbing development, there is serious concern over the increased LTTE attacks that have signalled the launch of a low intensity Eelam War IV. Intelligence sources speak of other guerrilla plans. This week armed forces and police establishments were alerted to the possibility of attempts by the LTTE to kidnap a VIP or VIPs. It is said to be with the intention of placing ransom demands. This is in addition to reports of more guerrilla cadres making their presence felt in the City of Colombo prompting the need for stepped up security measures.

One of Mr. Prabhakaran's erstwhile comrade in arms who led many a battle against the armed forces during previous wars, Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan alias Karuna disclosed this week that the ceasefire was used as a respite by the LTTE. He gave The Sunday Times an interview. It appears on page 5 in this issue. Karuna said "With the money pouring from the Tamil diaspora the LTTE managed to improve and increase its weapons arsenal. It was Prabhakaran's intention to start the war after resting for five years. But he faced serious difficulties with my unexpected departure and the adverse situation developing in the Tamil diaspora."

He added: "I know shipments of arms were received. Since February 2005 they (the LTTE) were training their cadres to use newly acquired weapons. Large stocks of mortar/artillery shells, explosives and arms are among defence supplies that have arrived in the Wanni."
With only four months in office, President Mahinda Rajapaksa has an unenviable task. He has inherited the problems, some of them badly aggravated by the inaction of his predecessor.

His priorities are not only to ensure the armed forces and the police remain in a much higher level of preparedness in the wake of rising LTTE attacks. He also has to ensure morale and well being of the troops are at prime level.


Tough laws target big trawlers
The Government has promulgated new Regulations that prohibit all vessels with a weight of over three tons and more than 28 feet in length from operating in Sri Lanka's territorial waters without the consent of a Competent Authority. Police and the armed forces have been conferred powers to open fire at violators.

The ban, in terms of Emergency (Establishment of a Prohibited Zone) Regulations No 1 of 2006 will, however, exclude the territorial waters between the shores off Kirinda (in the South) up to Puttalam (in the West). President Mahinda Rajapaksa has invoked provisions of the Public Security Ordinance for this purpose. The zone will cover the coastal districts of Hambantota, Ampara, Batticaloa, Trincomalee, Mullaitivu, Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mannar and Puttalam.

According to the Regulations, no person shall enter the Prohibited Zone in any vessel or remain within or ply any vessel within such Zone for any purpose whatsoever except with the written authority of the Competent Authority. Besides the Commander of the Navy, the following sector commanders have been made Competent Authorities - Northern Naval Area, Eastern Naval Area, Western Naval Area, Southern Naval Area and North Central Naval Area.

The new Regulations exclude the right of access to the Island of Kachchativu granted to Indian fishermen. This is under the Agreement between Sri Lanka and India signed on June 28, 1974 on the "Boundary in the Historic waters between the two countries and related matters," read with provisions of the Agreement between Sri Lanka and India signed on March 23, 1976, on the "Maritime Boundary between the two countries in the Gulf of Mannar and the Bay of Bengal, and related matters."

The Competent Authority has been empowered to impose such restrictions and conditions as he may deem necessary in the interest of security. The Regulations require that all "personnel on board such vessel to comply and observe such restrictions and conditions." Whilst those contravening the Regulations will be deemed to have committed an offence, a certificate from the Commander of the Navy that a prohibited act had taken place within the Prohibited Zone shall be admissible in evidence. It will be deemed as prima facie Evidence of the facts stated therein.

Those convicted after trial by the High Court will be liable to rigorous imprisonment for a term not less than three months and not exceeding five years. They will also be liable to a fine of Rs 500,000 and the forfeiture of the vessel with all contents found on board.

The tough new Regulations come in the wake of the Tiger guerrilla attack on the Navy's Dvora P 431 fast attack craft in the seas south of Kudiramalai Point (located north of Kalpitiya) on March 25. An officer and seven sailors were killed in the incident. Defence authorities believe the move will not only secure naval craft on routine patrol duties but also prevent Tiger guerrillas, who carry out mid sea transfer of military hardware from ships to trawlers, from bringing ashore such items. They say the ban will apply to all multi-day fishing trawlers which can be sustained at sea for a period of more than one day.

The Regulations empower any Police Officer, any member of the Sri Lanka Army, the Sri Lanka Navy or the Sri Lanka Air Force or any other person authorised by the President to stop or detain any person or vessel for identification. Any person found on board any vessel within the Prohibited Zone who fails or refuses to comply with any order, direction or signals will be deemed to have committed an offence.

The Regulations specify that there would be no indemnity or other payment shall be made under any policy of insurance in respect of death, injury or damage, caused to any person, vessel or thing found within the Prohibited Zone. This is notwithstanding "anything to the contrary in any other written law."

Besides the seas within Sri Lanka's territorial waters, the new Regulations also include the inland waters of the Puttalam Lagoon, North of Kalpitiya.


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