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Tiran
and the Tiger gateway
The
front page lead story in the Late City Edition of last week’s
The Sunday Times was to create a furore in the dovecotes of power. He wields so much political clout that he is the envy of many a senior member in the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). He has two top State jobs. One is Chairman, Aviation Services of Sri Lanka (AASL) and the other, Chairman, Rehabilitation and Development Authority (RADA). In the former, he overlooks the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA), Sri Lanka's only link to international air routes or the outside world. In the latter, he is tasked with disbursing billions of rupees or millions of dollars to rebuild tsunami-stricken areas, particularly in the North and East -- centres of economic and military power for Tiger guerrillas who are yet to give up their goal of a separate state. The Sunday Times report last week revealed how Tiran Alles created a stir over President Mahinda Rajapaksa's move to bring the multi-million dollar laden RADA under the newly sworn-in Disaster Management Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe. "Mr Alles contended that the LTTE was not in favour of such a move and preferred RADA remained under President Rajapaksa. It is not immediately clear whether the view expressed by Mr. Alles was his own or that of the LTTE.In the past the LTTE has not interfered with Government appointments," The Sunday Times report said. The report added: "Government sources say one of the reasons that prompted UNP's Mahinda Samarasinghe to join President Rajapaksa’s administration was the offer of a portfolio which would encompass RADA. In the light of Mr Alles' objections, these sources say, President Rajapaksa may be compelled to bring the subject back under his control. According to these sources, the move has already caused disappointment to Mr. Samarasinghe." Within hours of last week's The Sunday Times hitting the streets, Alles telephoned Temple Trees and spoke to President Rajapaksa. Immediately thereafter, he went there. President Rajapaksa was otherwise busy in the upper floor, the residential area of the official bungalow. No sooner did the President walk down the stairs, Alles poured his heart out. He complained that after the report appeared he was frightened for his security. He wanted to know how the story reached The Sunday Times and caused so much embarrassment to him. President Rajapaksa turned to his two brothers, Basil (Director General at the Presidential Secretariat) and Gothabaya (Defence Secretary) who were on hand and asked "how did this go to The Sunday Times?" They were unaware and surprised too. There was silence for a while. Then he turned to Alles and asked "Did you speak about this to Minister Mangala Samaraweera?" Alles replied that he had not been able to speak to Samaraweera since he raised objections over the matter. Could it have gone from Mahinda Samarasinghe? That was discounted because he would not embarrass himself. Thereafter Rajapaksa telephoned his Secretary, Lalith Weeratunga. He asked him whether any form of assurance was given to Mahinda Samarasinghe that the subject of RADA would be brought under him. His response on the telephone is not known but Rajapaksa advised him thereafter "don't take any decisions without consulting me." That over, the President ordered The Government Department of Information to issue a statement. On Sunday night, it formed a major story on national television Rupavahini and found space the next day in state-run newspapers. It is mandatory they are aired or published. This is what the statement said: "The attention of the Government has been drawn to a news item titled 'LTTE link objects to new Minister' which appeared in The Sunday Times on January 29, 2006. This news item creates a wrong impression among the public and relevant parties. "The Government categorically denies and clearly states that there is no such request or influence to keep the Rehabilitation and Development Authority (RADA) under the purview of the President. However, taking into consideration the importance of the institution, the President has decided that the RADA will continue to be under his control as it currently is. "The Government emphasises that this news item may lead to the hampering of the sincere efforts taken by the President to bring peace to the country." A copy of this statement, however, was not sent to The Sunday Times. The statement leaves out any references to Mr. Alles who is at the centre of all the drama. If as claimed "the President has decided that the RADA will continue to be under his control as it currently is," and that too "taking into consideration the importance of the institution," why the concern about trying to find out who passed on the information to The Sunday Times? An intimidatory facet of the statement is the claim that this "news item may lead to the hampering of the sincere efforts taken by the President to bring peace to the country." Is this true or is the charge being made to prevent future reportage? Tragic enough, President Rajapaksa, who wants to be "the people's President" and differ from the path of his predecessor, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, may, alas (no pun intended), be following in her footsteps in dealing with the media. She regularly used the State media to hide the truth and pour scorn on their private counterparts whenever there were reports that made her uncomfortable. This became a popular pastime for her. She resorted to name calling. She believed the people of Sri Lanka were so gullible they would lap up all what was said. But her own mantra did not work, not even to ensure a Rajapaksa defeat at last November's presidential elections. President Rajapaksa, promised a new media culture under Mahinda Chinthanaya. But the question is not whether his political opponents would allow this to happen but some ill informed officials and the plethora of advisors who offer everything else, but good advice. Talking about hampering "sincere efforts taken by the President to bring peace to the country," there is no gainsaying; the Government has to be fully conscious of what's happening. But is serious about safeguarding the peace process, it should also be conscious of other equally important factors concerning other players in the peace process. Take for example, one time rebel Douglas Devananda, leader of the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP). A one time guerrilla fighter trained in Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) camps in Lebanon's Bekaa Valley, Devananda, the fighter, gave up the gun to enter democratic politics. His party is a constituent partner of the Rajapaksa Government and he serves as a member of the Cabinet. During a recent meeting with Norway's Special Envoy and Minister for International Development, Erik Solheim, he asserted that the EPDP was a democratic party and wanted a negotiated settlement to the ethnic issue. Devananda has complained to President Rajapaksa that Tiran Alles, the head of RADA was working according to the dictates of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). He has charged that the EPDP has been completely sidelined. Devananda does not hide the fact that he has raised the issue with Rajapaksa and has told Colombo-based diplomats and friends of what he calls a disturbing situation. He has said that the EPDP was not being given an opportunity in development work. He has expressed fears that the LTTE may end up running RADA through Alles. President Rajapakse vowed during the presidential elections and later abolished the P-TOMS (post-tsunami operational management structure) formulated by former President Kumaratunga. This was on the grounds that funds would go directly to the LTTE. That would help them funnel a part to military preparations. If Devananada's fears are correct, wouldn't the LTTE taking control of RADA have the same effect? Who then would be vitiating the peace process? From whom then should the peace process be guarded against? Is it from The Sunday Times news reports or from fears expressed by Tamil political leaders, who were once guerrillas and now in mainstream politics who believe in a unitary Sri Lanka? The Sunday Times learns that Mr.Alles recently attended a meeting related to RADA in Kilinochchi. He had taken along with him a team of local-level Government officials to discuss post-tsunami development activities in the coastal areas of LTTE-controlled Wanni. Some of the officials were uncomfortable that they were exposed "formally" to the LTTE at a discussion at the same table. Leading the discussion was LTTE top runger, Poovannan, a close confidant of leader Velupillai Prabhakaran. It is well known that Alles regularly maintained contact with Poovannan and through him with the LTTE leader. Alles' entry into the Wanni to develop connections with the LTTE came after Alles reportedly won the agency rights for a leading Colombo-based mobile telephone operator. Appointments of sub agents in LTTE-controlled areas, with the support of the LTTE, were possible only with the concurrence of Alles. He first came to the limelight in 1994 when President Kumaratunga utilised his services. Thereafter, he was dropped. His role was later played by Harim Peiris, who was dubbed by some senior SLFPers as "Sri Lanka's Ambassador to Eelam." This was when he was Director General of Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction. During
last November's presidential elections, Alles staked his claims
to become a link with the LTTE. The Alles saga still continued late
this week. Rajapaksa explained, equally politely, that he became fully aware of the circumstances only lately. He said he needed to keep the subject under him but told Samarasinghe he could carry out work connected with it too. That meant the only major subject coming under Samarasinghe as Minister of Disaster Management was the Colombo Observatory. No doubt, he will be the only Minister who will be able to keep close tabs of weather patterns. But a cheerful Samarasinghe took it in his stride and moved into the new office. What the heck, a cabinet minister is a cabinet minister. Talking about peace efforts, there was another significant development last week. The Sunday Times learns the LTTE has made it known to Government leaders, through informal channels; they did not wish to see former UNP Cabinet Minister, G.L. Peiris, in the Government delegation for peace talks in Geneva. They later received a response that he would not be present. The request had been made on the grounds that LTTE leader Prabhakaran was not too pleased with the move. The reason: He had reportedly 'persuaded' Anton Balasingham, LTTE chief negotiator, to agree to a federal settlement during talks in Oslo -- a position not endorsed by Prabhakaran. Immediately after the Oslo statement incorporating LTTE's willingness to consider a federal solution was made public, Prabhakaran is said to have reprimanded Balasingham over the matter. This is for not having his prior permission to make such a declaration. It was only last week The Sunday Times reported in these columns how President Rajapaksa told a JVP delegation he had given his word to Peiris to take him over to the Government. JVP's former Cabinet Minister, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, raised objections to the move and said his party would not endorse it. It seemed for once, the JVP and the LTTE were on common ground. Now, in a surprise move, Peiris has declared he would not leave the UNP. He has of course avoided making references to behind-the-scene manoeuvres to pole-vault to the Government side and how the pole broke and vaulted back to the UNP. There
was also excitement at Temple Trees this week over another matter.
President Rajapaksa had summoned a meeting of the Sri Lanka Freedom
Party's Executive Committee for last Wednesday. It was to discuss
matters relating to the upcoming local government elections. Party
leader, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, was not in Sri Lanka
and thus did not receive an invitation for the meeting that was
to start at 7 pm. She had, however, arrived last Sunday and taken
up residence at her sister's house in Horagolla after spending some
time at her brother's official bungalow 'Visumpaya' (which she once
referred to as 'apaya'. Sirisena explained that party organisers who were members of the Executive Committee were summoned for the meeting whilst she was away from Sri Lanka. He said if she still wanted to take part in the meeting, she was welcome to be present at Temple Trees at 7 p.m. that day. A 'come if you like' invitation.Then Kumaratunga began talking to other SLFP stalwarts on the phone, sounding them out about the evening's meeting. When she turned up at Temple Trees, she was to receive shock treatment. Her security men were ordered to wait out whilst Kumaratunga was allowed to go in on her own. This was the same treatment meted out to Rajapaksa, when he was Prime Minister visiting her when she was President. His security men had to drop off at the gates of Janadipathi Mandiraya whilst Rajapakse alone drove in. But there was a bigger shock for those present -- Kumaratunga had arrived on time, exactly at 7 p.m. But this time it it was her turn to wait. It seemed Kumaratunga had arrived in Colombo early and had no place to spend time. She had given an appointment for a meeting with former Maldivian Foreign Minister, Fathulla Jameel and had to meet him at the BMICH. That meeting was quickly advanced that same day because of the SLFP meeting later in the evening. Rajapaksa got to know she was coming. Yet, he had 'other engagements', and turned up an hour late. All present rose -- including Kumaratunga. Rajapaksa smiled and sat down. The meeting began and Kumaratunga made one of her shortest speeches. It lasted only eight minutes. But the speech was strong enough. She spoke of the upcoming local government elections, and said the SLFP had no blood stains. There were those who were smeared with blood who wanted to hang on the SLFP and destroy the party. We don't want them, she said, a loud and clear message on the JVP. Rajapaksa followed. During the latter part of a lengthy speech he answered the issues raised by Kumaratunga. He said the SLFP was a party built on local government organisations. He said during the last Presidential elections some SLFPers were reluctant to support his candidature. It was the friendly parties that worked for him. It was these friendly parties that made sure he won the elections, and was elected President. Some from his own party showed lack of interest. How can we forget those who helped us, he asked. Kumaratunga listened intently. When the meeting ended, Exco members surrounded Rajapaksa and conversations ensued. Kumaratunga was isolated and remained for a while with no one talking to her. Later, she walked out to join her security detail and returned to Horagolla. That same night, Kumaratunga's brother Anura, Tourism Minister, was conspicuous by his absence at the weekly Cabinet meeting. He was at a private dinner given to him by a Colombo businessman. A visitor to the businessman's household quipped "he preferred to savour choice red South African wines than go through drab Cabinet papers." Towards the end of the week, President Rajapaksa was also concerned about tighter security to ensure no mischief makers marred yesterday's Independence day celebrations. Concerns were heightened after five bomb explosions in and around the city last week where a top level investigation is now under way by SSP Sarath Lugoda, Head of the Colombo Crime Division CCD). This week he recorded a statement from Pasan Madanayake, a businessman and publisher of a weekly Sinhala newspaper. Last week, JVP's Wimal Weerawansa also told Parliament that the Government should investigate Mr. Madanayake's financial background. He said he was using his newspaper to conduct character assassinations, and the Free Media Movement has requested Weerawansa to refrain from using hate-language against 'media persons'. President Rajapaksa no doubt is keen to ensure the peace process is put back on track. The major issue is whether the LTTE will reciprocate his gesture, or continue to take advantage of gaining what they could. The coming weeks will show. Whoever wins or loses -- the media will continue to remain the punching bag. The more things change, the more they remain the same. |
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