Political Column

Political Column

And now, the final curtain
By Our Political Editor
When the late Junius Richard Jayewardene steered through the Constitution of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka in 1978, a political analyst once remarked that it could make an all powerful President do anything and everything he or she wants except one - turning a man into woman or vice versa. Such was the unbridled powers of an executive presidency.

Even that was technically possible said one of his Cabinet Ministers. The Government can bring a law in Parliament saying from tomorrow all men will be women and vice-versa. Those were, of course, days before sex-changes became fairly commonplace as they are today.

Three executive Presidents later, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, the fourth incumbent, seems more than an embodiment of that futuristic comment. Her eleven-and-half-year stint has not only seen her play many roles, each with the aplomb of a knowledgeable expert in that field. It would have even surprised the late Jayewardene that in addition, she was even telling the experts what to do - an aspect which he never dreamt his successors would follow. Certainly not Kumaratunga who termed it "JR's Bahubootha Constitution."

But on all other aspects of the Constitution, Kumaratunga lived up to the late Jayewardene dictum - that those in the opposition hate it but once in power they love it. She loved it so much she now finds it difficult to let go.
Kumaratunga gave leadership to the costliest phases of the separatist war with Tiger guerrillas. On a number of occasions, during sessions of the National Security Council, it was not the Generals who told her what to do. Instead, she called for maps, pointed at locations and told them what has to be done. Lot of blood was shed. The loss of men and material during those phases has been the highest. That was Kumaratunga, the military leader or should one say, Field Marshal.

When crime was galloping and several mystery murders hit newspaper headlines, she summoned the entire Police hierarchy from the IGP down to the Assistant Superintendents to Janadipathi Mandiraya. She told them how to fight crime and to solve the murder mysteries. When the energetic Police Chief Chandra Fernando stood different from his predecessors, Kumaratunga wrote a letter of commendation to him. He had given leadership to solving some murders riddled with mystery. She declared the Police chief's actions were laudable and asserted he had followed what Kumaratunga had set in motion. That was Kumaratunga the crime fighter.

In November 2003, she sacked the Defence Minister of the former United National Front Government of Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe. She took over the Defence portfolio together with the Interior and Mass Communication ministries. She charged that the Wickremesinghe government had given in so much to the LTTE that it endangered national security. The country was in danger with the guerrillas placing siege over Trincomalee, smuggling in weapons and expanding their military outfit. With that cry she went to polls in April 2004 and returned to effective power. She had formed the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA) with the help of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). That was Kumaratunga the saviour of the nation.

In this role, she has, however, now changed position. She now wants to continue as saviour by forging peace not only with the LTTE and protecting the Ceasefire Agreement she said was tantamount to treason, but also her arch foe in politics, the United National Party. That is in the twilight of her Presidency.

The chapter on Kumaratunga, the President, Head of State, Head of Government, Head of Cabinet, Minister of Defence, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, playing her constitutional role on the one hand and that of a monarch of all what she surveys on the other is voluminous. Each, no doubt, fits aptly to a glorious title.

In the recent weeks, Kumaratunga has become the supreme commander of Sri Lanka's media. On Wednesday, the Finance Ministry felicitated her at the BMICH for the services rendered to the country. If all other Ministries, Departments and Corporations follow suit, there will be no time left until the next presidential elections. But, in this instance the Finance Ministry picked up the tab.

Speaking to a large gathering Kumaratunga declared she always stood for media freedom. Earlier in the week, as has been the case during the run up to November 17 Presidential elections, she was speaking to heads of State media. She had ruled that 60 per cent of the coverage should be to Sri Lanka Freedom Party candidate Mahinda Rajapakse. Only 40 per cent should go to UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. Only two reports of the JVP should be used every week since they were not a party contesting the elections. Now the supreme commander of the media was examining how her orders on dishing out the news to viewers and readers, who would be voters next week, were being carried out.

This was whilst Elections Commissioner Dayananda Dissanayake urged equal coverage. In fact, UNP candidate Ranil Wickremesinghe complained to Kumaratunga that the State media, particularly the electronic ones, were denying him equal coverage.

This week Kumaratunga threatened to close down Independent Television Network (ITN) accusing it of being the JVP channel. In the line of fire was its Chairman Newton Gunaratne. She charged that he was being dictated to by the JVP. She said the viewers of this channel were only JVP supporters. Gunaratne argued it was not so. He said ITN together with its radio broadcast partner Lakhanda were running a voter poll forecast. The response for a Mahinda Rajapakse victory was coming in a big way. Most of the post cards that were received showed a preference for Rajapakse. Kumaratunga said that was being done by the JVP in order to create an impression favourable to Rajapakse - their candidate.

It seems she could not believe her own Prime minister would be the winner. Kumaratunga also had a farewell chat at the Janadipathi Mandiraya with lawyers who assisted her and supported the SLFP. She repeated what has now become her farewell slogan - "I am leaving empty handed with no blood or mud in hand". She said she would have to find a place to reside. She disclosed that UNP candidate Wickremesinghe had said she could continue to stay at Janadipathi Mandiraya for three or four months if he won. One of the lawyers present intervened to say she could stay longer if Premier Mahinda Rajapakse won. "One can never say," she replied.

Kumaratunga also spoke to her party stalwarts in the Gampaha district. On hand was her brother and Foreign Minister Anura Bandaranaike. Some of the speakers complained that they found it difficult to meet the latter. He was not available even when he remained in Sri Lanka, they said. Others wanted to know what to do at the upcoming elections. "Tell us what to do," said one of them underscoring the uncertainty over whether Kumaratunga fully supported Rajapakse. She replied they must all vote for Mahinda Rajapakse.

One of the speakers said that Gampaha district had produced five prime ministers — D. S. Senanayake, Dudley Senanayake, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Chandrika Kumaratunga. Yet it had taken Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse, who was not from the district, to invite SLFPers from Gampaha for a meal at Temple Trees. Kumaratunga then explained that she had wanted to take them to her official residence in Kandy and entertain them to a meal. However, she said she could not do so. Her presidency had ended a year earlier than expected. She said after November 18 she proposed to reveal the conspiracy that denied her that extra year in office as President. There were loud shouts from some of the attendees. "You are our leader today and you will be our leader tomorrow," they declared.

At Temple Trees, the official residence of the Prime Minister, the mood appeared upbeat. Rajapakse had a meeting with the JVP and JHU representatives before driving down to Ratmalana airport for a flying visit to military installations in the north. Also present was Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP) leader Douglas Devananda.

Striking a humorous note, Rajapakse noted the dilemma he had in travelling with the man much wanted by the LTTE. "It is dangerous to go with him. But it is more dangerous without him," he said triggering laughter all around.

Early this week Rajapakse rejected advice from military intelligence not to travel to Ratmalana to address a rally. A suspected female guerrilla cadre had been arrested the day before in the area. Like in the case of the East last week, the Prime Minister ignored the advice, and proceeded to address the rally.

Meanwhile, the UNP Presidential candidate Ranil Wickremesinghe appears to have a sudden spring in his step as the countdown starts for the November 17 poll. He has kept the final lap of the race to deal with the accusations against him that he would seal the fate of the nation and the majority community by yielding to a deal with the LTTE.

After great reluctance in earlier campaigns to brag about his own credentials, the one-time Prime Minister knows that it's now or never to say something about himself. He has come out with his family's connections with the Independence struggle, and its association with Buddhism in this country to re-assure voters that he is not the type of future President who will sell the country to the LTTE, or to anyone.

With the votes of the ethnic and religious minorities in the bag for him, he seems to realise that he must win the 'south' as well if he's to have an effective mandate. "I am a Sinhalese", is his final word on the matter.
That's why he travelled to Palaly to address troops stationed there and explain to them his motives in signing the Ceasefire Agreement with the LTTE, and his plans to settle the insurgency.

Suddenly, Ranil Wickremesinghe has appeared to be a common-sense politician, not the aloof politician living in cloud 9 or Colombo 7. One of the chief advisers of his campaign is a German academic Prof. Shroeder, whose services have been obtained by party chairman Malik Samarawickrama through a German Foundation.

According to the Shroeder Doctrine - who has produced a single sheet campaign plan, the UNP candidate must show compassion, kiss-babies, press-the-flesh, give a glass of milk, roll out the goodies, and keep it simple. He must match Mahinda Rajapakse's populist approach in equal measure, spending one week with the youth, one week with farmers etc., and keep the final week to deal with the ethnic issue.

But time is now running out as we get closer to the wire. His party machinery is still stuck, as the Colombo-centric operatives manning his campaign refuse to see what's happening (or not happening) in the hinterland. He would have had no problem in winning if he was to face Rajapakse and the SLFP machinery, but with the JVP youth out in their numbers, in rain and sunshine, at day and in the night, the UNP campaign seems to have placed over-reliance on their US dollars 5 Million (Rs. 500 Million) advertising campaign to get their message across to the voters.

Several party-heavyweights have been sidelined in the process, and new bucks pushed to the forefront to ensure a Wickremesinghe victory, as speculation emerges about geo-strategic play by the Asian superpowers, and as to who is backing which candidate in the race for the presidency.

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