Political Column  

Isolated CBK losing battle with Mahinda


Looking in different directions President Chandrika Kumaratunga and Premier Mahinda Rajapakse are seen in a pensive mood at a BMICH meeting to felicitate the President for her contribution to education. Pic by Ishara S. Kodikara

By Our Political Editor
Round two of Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse's battle to become the fifth President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka began last Tuesday.

Like the first, the latest round is also with President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. She returned home after a 14-day working visit cum holiday in the United States. The work related to addresses at the World Summit and the United Nations General Assembly in New York, her last as a Head of State. The holiday in San Francisco, Las Vegas and Grand Canyon followed.

Then she went with a US$ 25,000 cheque to former US President Bill Clinton's Global Consortium on Tsunami Recovery in Washington D.C. She felt the first cheque for US$ 25,000 handed over to the American Red Cross by Sri Lankan Ambassador Bernard Goonetilleke for the devastation caused by Hurricane Katrina in Alabama, Louisiana and Mississippi was not good enough.

In a speech to the Consortium in Washington D.C. she lamented that donor agencies and NGOs were delaying the post-tsunami reconstruction process in Sri Lanka. "People of Sri Lanka were questioning what had happened to the contributions made by the caring people of the world," she declared.

But the same week, in Colombo, Auditor General S.C. Mayadunne ruled that Government officials (under Kumaratunga's administration) misspent or misappropriated hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of tsunami aid. If that was embarrassing enough, there was more. She had planned a one-day official visit to Japan on Monday September 26 and return to Colombo through Bangkok. The Japanese Government had laid out an elaborate welcome with top level meetings slotted in. But during the wee hours of that morning, the Sri Lanka Embassy in Tokyo was told she was cancelling the planned visit. Japanese Foreign Ministry officials were furious she had backed out at the last moment, much after all the arrangements had been made.

She returned to Colombo from Singapore on Tuesday evening. There was only Reggie Ranatunga, SLFP Assistant Secretary and Sabaragamuwa Governor, at the Colombo airport to greet the President of the Republic. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse's brother Basil was also at the airport, but he was on a different mission. Without delay she returned to Janadipathi Mandiraya.

It was nightfall when her Prime Minister arrived there to greet her. Aides told the Premier she had gone upstairs to her private study, and could not be disturbed. Rajapakse told them to inform her that he came, and left. But another Kumaratunga confidant was in for a rude shock. Health Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva was told at the gates of the Presidential Palace that he could not be allowed in since he was not among a list of persons who were expected that evening. The Minister turned back, and left, crest-fallen.

The President began Wednesday morning with a meeting of heads of the state media. She wanted to assess, among other matters, how publicity connected with the presidential election campaign was handled by them. She had directed that during the ongoing presidential election campaign the two major candidates be given equal publicity. This was in marked contrast to the 1999 presidential elections she contested. State media tilted very heavily in her favour and UNP candidate Ranil Wickremasinghe found the coverage was much less than expected.

Her one-time confidant Minister Mangala Samaraweera complained that Rupavahini, the national television network was giving more publicity to Wickremesinghe and had blacked him out. Cute indeed, coming from a one-time Media Minister known for accusing the private media of bias when he held the reins.

Later that day, she travelled to Nittambuwa for a ceremony to resurrect the Sri Lanka Transport Board (SLTB). There she met Rajapakse but the smiles they exchanged were uneasy. She was unable to hide her anger and he, the embarrassment from onlookers. The way Kumaratunga handed over the lit candle to her Prime Minister for the lighting of the oil-lamp ceremony - looking the other way - spoke for itself.

This animosity openly manifested itself again later that evening at the weekly Cabinet meeting held at the Janadipathi Mandiraya.

Before the meeting began, a snubbed and disturbed Nimal Siripala de Silva walked from the meeting room to see Kumaratunga. He wanted to pay his courtesies since he could not do so on Tuesday evening. There he was told off by Kumaratunga for being overtly involved with the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU). It was bad enough he was consorting with the JVP but when he did that with the JHU, it was worse, she complained. De Silva explained that if he did not do so, he would get "cut", politically. Not in a mood to accept his explanation, she just brushed him aside.

Kumaratunga, as usual, was late for the Cabinet meeting. Ministers had already received file covers containing a two-page letter United National Party (UNP) deputy leader Karu Jayasuriya had written to Kumaratunga. In fact Presidential aides could not trace the letter in her office and had to telephone Jayasuriya's staff to obtain a copy. It had been photo copied, put into files and placed on the table in front of which every Minister sat.

In that letter dated September 22, Jayasuriya had referred to the two agreements Rajapakse had signed with the JVP and the JHU. "These agreements specifically and emphatically reject the position hitherto taken by your government that the North-East question be resolved through a federal system of Government," he pointed out.

He added that they also reject P-TOMS (Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure) and draw into question Norway's facilitation of the peace process. Mr Jayasuriya said these "assertions are directly and diametrically opposed to the policy of your government as approved by Cabinet, declared to Parliament and the people of Sri Lanka, and made widely known to the international community."

The fireworks began at the Cabinet meeting after Kumaratunga raised the issue. “We have a policy, a principle in our party we have to follow. We cannot allow a candidate to do what he wants,” she declared. Retorted Rajapakse "If you put me as a party candidate, allow me to work as a candidate." She said "it cannot work like that. We must protect the party and its interests."

Minister Susil Premajayantha intervened to caution Kumaratunga to be careful. She said it was the same Karu Jayasuriya who had written to her sometime ago alleging that she had brought spying equipment in her handbag to a Cabinet meeting. He said she should be careful of such letters that tended to drive a wedge in the Government.

Rajapakse wanted to know whether previous measures, like for example the first Government-JVP agreement or important decisions were placed before the SLFP Central Committee. He also wanted to know whether this was only because he was contesting.

Kumaratunga said yes and added if any one wanted to raise objections they should have done so. They have had no strength in their backbone (kondey pana nehe). An infuriated Rajapakse retorted "how can there be a backbone (kondey) when you have broken it. You don't want us to have it."

He rose from his chair and indicated his intention to leave the Cabinet meeting. He said he could not be bothered wasting his time engaging himself in unwanted arguments. Kumaratunga exclaimed, somewhat assertively, "Sit down. Don't leave." Rajapakse obeyed. That was the end of the discussion. Other matters on the agenda were taken up for discussion.

With the Cabinet meeting over, the UNP member in the PA Cabinet, Rohita Bogollagama, sought a meeting with Kumaratunga. The former UNP Minister was to caution her that she was getting a bad name because of her attitude towards Rajapakse. She began to defend her position. Kumaratunga was to observe that if Rajapakse wins the presidential election it was only because of Mangala Samaraweera. "He was my man. He knows how to organise," she said. Bogollagama left the lengthy meeting satisfied he had driven a point home.

Kumaratunga had earlier planned to summon SLFP women's organisations and youth groups upon her return from the US. She wanted their backing in her battle with Rajapakse, but found the Premier had beaten her to them. He had already met with them.

The leader of the women's organisation, Pavithra Wanniarachchi, had accompanied Kumaratunga to the US, but was absent when Rajapakse met the group. Though she was in Colombo, she had entered hospital for a check-up. It seemed it was her political health that was her concern for she got a clean bill health-wise.

The same night as her check-up, Ms. Wanniarachchi appeared in a Rupavahini talk show full of vigour and vitality.

Kumaratunga was not giving up though, in what her confidants said were her "efforts to discipline" Rajapakse. The PM was incensed with Kumaratunga's efforts to undermine his campaign to see that he was defeated at the presidential poll. That was why she was placing so many obstacles in his path. A senior Rajapakse campaign official accused Kumaratunga of covertly helping the UNP.

At yet another of his many dinners at Temple Trees, this time for his buddies at the Vidyodaya Campus (now the Sri Jayawardhanapura University) where the young Rajapakse was an assistant librarian in the early 1970s, his supporters wowed to ensure his victory. They slammed Kumaratunga and her brother Anura for 'sleeping with the enemy', and for the siblings to probably to consider that MR-CBK=RW.

On Thursday, Kumaratunga had summoned a meeting of the SLFP Central Committee for Friday. Within hours of doing so, Kumaratunga received a letter from UNP leader and their presidential candidate, Ranil Wickremesinghe.

Attaching a copy of his party's manifesto he said "I have absolutely no doubt that despite our differences and disagreements, you believe, as I do, that the only way a just peace can be established is through a meaningful devolution of power. There has been unanimity between the UNP, the SLFP, the LTTE and the international community that devolution should be on the basis of a federal framework which will enable the power sharing between the Centre and the Region."

Wickremesinghe said: "At this juncture, it is vital we do not allow the peace process to become the subject of political division". He called upon Kumaratunga to "build further upon the platform of consensus that has already been developed between the UNP and the SLFP". Wickremesinghe, the astute politician that he is, was firing a political missile to keep the Kumaratunga-Rajapakse battle alive.

She chaired the Central Committee meeting that began five hours late on Friday, at 2 p.m. instead of the scheduled time of 11 am. Rajapakse had waited till 1 p.m. and flown away to the Eastern town of Akkaraipattu for some previously scheduled engagements.

In his absence, she accused Rajapakse of taking decisions on his own and not keeping her informed. She said policy planning was being done for Rajapakse by one-time UNPers and asked whether they could win elections.

Veteran partymen were not amused. Long-time trade unionist and Western Province Governor Syed Alavi Mowlana said Kumaratunga was doing harm to herself by the stance she was taking. He said there is no point in harping on UNP deputy leader, Karu Jayasuriya's letter. "We must win the election," he pointed out.

Maithripala Sirisena, SLFP General Secretary, prefaced his speech with an assertion that he should not be misunderstood as a rebel or a traitor. He told his leader, Kumaratunga, that she must understand the political situation correctly.

Expressing the same view but in much stronger terms was Anuruddha Ratwatte. He also said it was not fair to go on discussing Rajapakse's actions when he was not present at the meeting. A serious argument ensued between Kumaratunga and her one-time Deputy Defence Minister. That was when she felt chided and asked him "who are you?"

Not to be outdone, Ratwatte shot back " Who am I ? I am the one who brought you into the SLFP. I am the one who worked with your mother long before you came in to the SLFP. People like me, Mahinda Rajapakse and D.M. Jayaratne had long been members of our party."

Kumaratunga backed down meekly. It seemed, her partymen now had the 'konda' (backbone) to talk back and argue with her.
Finding that Kumaratunga was getting isolated, the gallant Southern Province Governor Kingsley Wickremaratne rose to her defence. But the others were in no mood to give him much of a hearing..

Later, Kumaratunga said she was going to be away on a visit to her beloved France for ten days. Upon her return, she proposed to campaign for Rajapakse by taking part in rallies. The Central Committee appointed a committee headed by Premier Rajapakse to formulate the party's agenda. It was to be an SLFP manifesto and not a JVP-JHU manifesto, so how much of the 12+12 points Rajapakse has agreed to with the JVP and the JHU would go into that manifesto would be what has to be seen.

ajapakse has said that the manifesto will be released only after Nomination Day. So, a central committee meeting that was billed to lead to sensational upsets ended in a whimper. Mahinda Rajapakse, even in absentia, had won the day.

Kumaratunga's bad-mood had continued throughout the week. Another glimpse of it came at a felicitation ceremony for her contribution towards and development of education. Red shirted students 'protested' against what they called the Tara de Mel (Education Secretary)-Peter Harrold (World Bank Director) education reforms. Some Kumaratunga confidants including Dinesh Gunawardena (Deputy Minister of Education) and EPDP leader, Douglas Devananda were absent from the event. There were several vacant seats. It was clear that the stalwarts were now distancing themselves from the lame-duck (and angry) President.

The JVP said the students were brought there by the organisers and made to appear they were representatives of student bodies. "If they had anything to do with us, the security would have baton charged and chased them away," Wimal Weerawansa told a meeting of JVPers on Friday night. Later, the students remained to listen (smiling away) to Kumaratunga.

She said as President she was committed to democracy. She said voters at the presidential election should not vote people who behaved like those red shirted students. They should elect a leader who stood for democratic ideals. Both Mahinda Rajapakse and his Media Campaign Chief, Mangala Samaraweera were present. The latter was heard to remark to a friend later that Kumaratunga made no reference to Rajapakse. Was she indirectly asking voters to back Wickremesinghe?

Rajapakse was more angered at the remarks of Kingsley Wickremaratne, it seemed. The Southern province Governor said that Kumaratunga's speech was so good he felt like inviting her to stay in Galle, to go to several meetings and repeat the same speech. "Hondai, Hondai" (Good, Good) replied Rajapakse. He felt Wickremaratne was being sarcastic at his expense.

Another critical issue turned out to be the Ceylon Workers’ Congress and whom it will support. On Wednesday, CWC leader Armugam Thondaman met Prime Minister Rajapakse. Also on hand was Mangala Samaraweera. Thereafter, he had a meeting with Ranil Wickremesinghe and followed it up one with Kumaratunga.

The Thondaman-Kumaratunga meeting appears to have stalled the CWC from making a public announcement on whom it will support. Thondaman had pointed out concerns raised by his party men over the P-TOMS and Rajapakse's commitment to a unitary state instead of a united one. Kumaratunga had replied that the issues were being addressed by her and asked him to wait until the matter is sorted out. So he has put on hold a formal announcement.

But in the meantime, Rajapakse has rejected two major demands of the CWC. One related to finances and the other he should deal only with the CWC and not other plantation sector political parties or organisations.
According to Rajapakse aides, the first document listing CWC demands given to Rajapakse did not contain any reference to P-TOMS. It had come only in news reports that appeared when Thondaman was in New York. This move clearly indicated that CWC leader Thondaman, who has been in close consultation with Kumaratunga, would now announce his support to the UNP.

The events this week make clear Kumaratunga has increasingly painted herself into a tight corner. The fire and brimstone she breathed shooting off letters to Rajapakse; her aides leaking stories of threats to dissolve Parliament; offering to field another presidential candidate; and under-cutting the Rajapakse campaign; have all fallen by the wayside.

Come December 22, Kumaratunga herself is set to climb down from the high pedestal she has held for eleven years. With only weeks to go, more of her loyal allies are distancing themselves from her and scrambling on to the bandwagon of Rajapakse and his fellow travellers.

As one political wag was to say, "If the President's dog wants to remain at the President's House, it will have to join Mahinda Rajapakse or Ranil Wickremesinghe. Otherwise, out it goes with the present occupier come November 22".

The last chapter of the CBK biography is still to be written. Her historian must be taking down notes furiously for this 'Grand Finale' of her tenure as the President of the Republic. The question is whether she will now spend her last few days as the President of the Republic, screaming, shouting and cussing at her successor, or exit gracefully. Your guess is as good as mine.


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