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It's a Hobson's choice for Govt.
Mangala says JM a peace bridge, but needs rethinking if it leads to UPFA collapse
By Ashoka Jayatunga
Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera said he would have to rethink his position on the proposed joint mechanism if the proposal would ultimately lead to the collapse of the United People's Freedom Alliance government.

In an interview with the Sunday Lankadeepa he said the joint mechanism was too steep a price to pay for the breakup of the Sandanaya. But he nevertheless called on the JVP and the other parties opposing the proposed mechanism to look again at this vexed question with an open mind and not get caught up in the traditional modes of thinking.

Following are excerpts of the interview:
Considering the power you wielded in the SLFP and having been instrumental in establishing the Alliance (Sandanaya) resulting in the ouster of the UNP regime, why are you so silent now?
I have done my best for the SLFP. After the overthrow of the UNP after its two years in power, I see no reason or have the time to shout about it. I am now busy rebuilding the country as per the mandate given by the people.

But can't I argue that as the broker of the SLFP-JVP marriage, you have been silent and unable to take sides?
Just because there are policy differences in coalition partners, it does not mean such differences can disturb the work of a government. Because the UNP and the media supporting it try to highlight the differences with the purpose of creating a rift between the two parties with subtle attempts to weaken the government. It will not be successful. Why make a big fuss about it. Even the Marxist parties in the Indian government did change stances on important issues.

Much of the fallout from the policy differences between the SLFP and the JVP fell on you and may be that's what placed you in a quandary.
The fallout as such did not have any influence on me. We got a mandate from the people to work and not to boast about ourselves via the print or the electronic media or from platforms. I am keen that we show good results.

The media gave the impression that a joint coalition can win elections. Even some SLFPers were of that opinion, but they also said it would not help in achieving peace or marching forward. Hasn't that proved right today?
Not at all. When two parties with varying ideas regarding policy work together it is natural for some differences to crop up from time to time. That is what has happened here. But it does not stand in the way of progress and we beat the UNP's record of work done in two years, having fulfilled many promises made in our manifesto. The people and the business community have accepted our economic policies. The international community too has agreed with our economic policies as was proven at the Kandy aid forum meeting by giving us 3.5 billion US dollars. The UNP aided by its media henchmen went on its knees for aid. Ninety nine percent of what we received is not in the form of loans but grants. We have been able to fulfill the aspirations of our people and the international community though the UNP only wants to highlight our mistakes.

You say that apart from the differences with the JVP you are able to march forward. Do you mean that though the JVP opposes the JM and the restructuring of the CEB in the long run the JVP will not oppose them?
These are very complex issues. With continued discussions we are working out a scheme that would be acceptable to CEB trade unions, after all ours is a union friendly government. "The Economist" magazine said last week that due to opposition from India's Marxist parties, the government had to make certain concessions and some other moves had to be postponed. That is democracy. The situation here is the same and this is not a case of cowing down to someone riding roughshod over another. We march forward seeking what is best for Sri Lanka. Therefore early CEB restructuring is necessary as otherwise it will be an establishment crisis.

Isn't the idea of allowing TUs to take decisions an obvious case of handing over state responsibility to the TUs, which cannot be approved?
Here I also have a problem, as decision-making is the sole prerogative of the government.

But it is not wrong to listen to others or to obtain their views. That explains how I was able to restructure telecom; I did so despite opposition to it.

The main problem today is whether the JM is to be made effective in the North East or not. The President was of the opinion that a 10-year interim government can be given to the north while the UNP too was willing to consider an interim government. You were, at the time, of the opinion that some solution must be found. Today do you agree with the consistent stance held by the JVP on the JM?

Like the President I too feel that the rigid JVP stance on this issue is not correct. I do not see this as a mechanism that is being put in place due to difficulties in distributing aid. Two days after the tsunami the President managed the aid flow single handedly. This is something the other countries could not do. As for me I see the JM as a bridge that could bring back the LTTE -- who fled the peace table during Ranil's time -- for peace talks once again. This is a good opportunity to settle the ethnic issue. Ranil who made secret pacts with the LTTE brought out the idea of a self-governing authority.

The LTTE who were at the time of the same mind, has subsequently changed its thinking due to the tragedy of the tsunami and it agreeing to a JM is a far cry from its earlier mind set. The people's representatives in the northeast now accept the government and its administration. Thamilselvan may not seem to agree merely to satisfy the lower cadres. The JM's jurisdiction is limited to only 2 kms. But in Ranil's map the Tiger area was demarcated as distinct from the rest.

If the JM is so suitable for the country, why are the details not shown to the country or the opposition. Have you given it to the JVP. Your cry at the time the UNP signed the cease-fire agreement was that they did it on the sly?
The UNP did not show the agreement even to the President, let alone the country. Though she invited them to explain it they kept dodging the issue. Apparently there is no written document available on the JM and what is bandied about is only about an agreement.

But the JVP keeps insisting that the JM is a MoU to be signed with the LTTE and argue that through the JM the LTTE will get official recognition at international level and have control over finance.

A. The JVP's thinking on the ethnic issue is different. We were aware of it when putting together the UPFA coalition so we need to listen to the JVP too. But if justice is not done on the tsunami issue the LTTE is bound to get stronger internationally. The JM will serve as the base for the LTTE to come for peace talks. If we don't avail this opportunity we will be the losers. They must be praying daily that the JM may not become a reality. We need to be aware of that also.

Is the government signing the JM or not? There is the argument that the President will talk about this only to obtain foreign aid. The JVP is insistent that if the JM is signed it would leave the UPFA government?

The President is in no way vacillating on the ethnic conflict and she has not left anybody in doubt about her position. She never changed her stance and was bold enough to talk of a federal solution. You are correct that the situation is grave and decisive and none of the issues will be solved if the Alliance crashes.

So it is high time for all parties to work with seriousness. But if the JM is the reason to weaken the coalition or destroy it, then the JM will be useless and it is essential to think again. Even if the JM is to be a bridge builder, yet if it is going to lead to a government breakup, then I am definitely against it.

But if the JVP and those of its ilk see the JM in the same light using the same glasses, then it's necessary to look at things differently and clearly without prejudice. We need to look at the practical side and cease to be prisoners of the past and make a genuine attempt to see an end to this problem. If on the other hand the expectations of the people are shattered due to the government collapsing then the JM needs to be thought out again.

Why isn't the JVP flexible on this issue? At official talks they still insist on leaving the government in the event the government signs the JM. Does this not show the JM is not going to be a reality. As this is a huge problem for the government with the risk of losing the promised foreign aid, won’t it be blamed for being insensitive to the needs of the minorities?
I admit it really is a huge problem and there are lots of things to be taken into account, the thinking of the other parties and the people. The SLFPers and a majority of people are of the opinion that the devil is not as black as it's made out to be and if the JM is creating problems for the government, many are going to end up being disenchanted with it. That is the reality. This is not the time to take decisions and in the process make enemies.

The JVP and the president are at loggerheads and both appear to be headstrong.
All are talking without a sense of conscience so that when decisions are taken everyone must be consulted and they have to be flexible.

It is the general feeling that given the situation the government is in today, the JM will not become a reality.
It is not that it won't become a reality but in case the JM is going to cause the government's collapse or put it into difficulties, then we have to necessarily rethink the proposal.

It appears that the JM has not only put the political career of the President and the UPFA government in jeopardy but also her ambitions to go for a third term.
Even private polls show a rise in her popularity. The Panditharatne report says that Ranil is far behind. She is not ambitious but the party wants her even beyond 2006. We are in the process of discussing that now and there won't be presidential elections this year. In 2006 there will be the provincial council elections and the presidential elections after that. We are working now to face that future. There is no time to disunite now as our aim and responsibility is to defeat Ranil from being president even by a fluke. We have no right to let the country go into a dark era.

If the JM or the NE problems are ignored in the process of giving priority to keep the government in power and we confront a war situation what use is the Alliance vis a vis the people.
That is a good question. Those against the JM need to be serious about that. If the government falls due to the JM it would be a disaster. My politics is to be in power and on that count we need to face any situation and risk and have the courage for it. But it is also our responsibility to avoid a war.

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