CWC still on the fence on allegiance
By Our Political Editor
All the mobile phones of the MPs and Executive Committee members of the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) were confiscated as they trooped into ' Saumyabhavan', the headquarters named after their revered leader Saumyamoorthy Thondaman.

The official explanation was that the ringing of mobile phones, and people talking on these phones often disturb meetings.

But the current leader, Arumugam Thondaman had probably also learnt a lesson from what happened during the attempted coup in April 2001 to oust UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. Wickremesinghe had sent a 'spy' to the house where the conspirators were meeting, an MP pretending to be with the plotters. A mobile phone was switched on, and Ranil Wickremesinghe and his loyalists were listening to a ball-by-ball, word-by-word commentary of the proceedings of plans to cut his political throat.

MPs and Ex-Co members of the CWC, the party that represents the hapless plantation workers of this country, were given a basket, like what you find at airports, and there they dumped their cellular phones. No body checks were however imposed to find out if any had a second phone. Many of them do.

The struggling UPFA Government's struggle to prove its majority in Parliament has lasted for the last 15 weeks, and continues. Come Tuesday, (July 20) and they face the ignominy of facing a joint Opposition that has the majority in Parliament. All the hot air about a resounding victory at the recent Provincial Council elections, evaporates in the face of a minority government in the supreme Legislature. To break this joint Opposition is the prime task of the UPFA Government, and winning the CWC over with their 7 votes will take their tally to 114, the barest of bare majority in the 225 seat House, is their main objective in the scramble for the advantage. The 3 SLMC MPs they are targeting will only push them from 107 to 110. So, the CWC's support is crucial.

It would seem that Parliament's agenda will continue to be guided by the Opposition, and unless they got the CWC to break ranks with the Opposition, there was no hope of going to Parliament with a majority. That was why both, the UPFA Government and the UNF led joint Opposition were watching developments at " Saumyabhavan' with some anxiety.

The meeting was the second to discuss the crucial issue of whether to support the UPFA, or not to. The first ended with a divided opinion with the party deciding that they should stay where they are - in the Opposition. Those who opposed any tie-up with the UPFA were the minor functionaries of the party, the distrct-level organisers mainly who argued, quite vehemently, that the CWC has always been contesting under the UNP's elephant symbol, and it would be a traversty to cross-over to the betel leaf.

They are the ones who also applied pressure after the UNF's April 2 defeat, for the CWC to contest Provincial elections with the UNP. The anticipated victory of the UPFA at these elections gave a hint of a possibility that the CWC will rverse its decision. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse who had been assigned the task of negotiating with the CWC by President Chandrika Kumaratunga confidentally told UPFA election rallies, " We will show you the majority we have in Parliament after these elections ".

This week, the CWC hierarchy debated for over five hours. To jump, or not to jump. On the one hand, some of them argued that the CWC will find it difficult to sustain themselves without political power. Others argued, that the UPFA Government was not secure, and a wrong turn at this stage could be detrimental to the long-term interests of the party.

One of the main concerns throughout the deliberations was the JVP's domineering role within the UPFA Government. They took cognizance of the fact that the JVP has now turned a blind-eye to their insistence at one time that the Cabinet be limited to 35 Ministers, on the basis that political expediency should allow Opposition MPs who cross-over to be made Cabinet Ministers, and thereby stabilise the UPFA Coalition.

But that was not re-assuring enough. As M.S. Sellasamy, National List MP and party senior, one-time deputy to the Old Man S. Thondaman put it, the CWC was skeptical about the JVP's role in the future of the peace process.

"We have supported governments in the past, but we are not sure whether we could do the same with this Government, because of the JVP's negative attitude about the peace process ", Sellasamy told the assembled lot.

The proposed formation of a Constituent Assembly was another area of concern for the CWC as they believed that it could be a disadvantage to the minority parties.

A return to the old first-past-the-post election would be the end of the CWC. Even a mixed PR-Westminster style system now being canvassed as the German model, would be severely disadvantageous to them. The CWC strong-hold is only in the Nuwara-Eliya District. In other areas, they have pockets of voters, not enough to win alone.

Nuwara Eliya MP Muttu Sivalingam was one of those critical about joining the UPFA. He made the point that under deteriorating economic conditions, the fledgling new government would not be able to solve the problems of the estate sector.

Surprisngly though, the CWC meeting coincided with a front-page lead story in the state-run Daily News blaring away that the Upper Kotmale hydro-power project would go ahead. come what may.

The opposition to this project by Arumugam Thondaman is now well known, and his alliance with the Mahanayake of the Malwatte Chapter, the late Ven. Rambukwelle Sri Vippasi Mahanayake. on this opposition became legendary.

Why the Daily News ran the story on that very day the CWC was meeting remains baffling. Did the Government want to pressurise Thondaman, or was it an attempt by those who wanted the CWC out of the UPFA coalition.

The minister in charge of the subject, Susil Premajayantha is also the joint secretary of the UPFA Alliance. He was quoted in the newspaper as saying that the UPFA Government was going ahead with the proposed project.

The CWC had categorically declared during the run up to the elections that they would not allow the Government to go ahead with the Upper Kotmale project. Why then this provocation by the state media hours before the CWC was to take a major decision whether to join the Government?

Yogarajah, a defeated candidate was one of the more vocal speakers that day, and vice-president Faizer Mustapha, one of the quiet ones. As a matter of fact, Mustapha had been quite annoyed that Deputy Minister Dilan Perera had told a TV chat-show during the week that Mustapha had told him that the CWC was not supportive of the UNF-led Opposition, and had pooh-poohed the 118 signatures they had obtained for a joint Opposition statement. Mustapha confirmed later that he had indeed met Dilan Perera at a wedding, but that what he had said was that the joint statement was limited to the specific purpose of condemning the conduct by certain MPs in the House. He said that this in no way could be implied to mean that he said the CWC would support the UPFA Government.

At the meeting Mustapha also said that he would abide by the party decision and leave it to his friend Arumugam Thondaman to make the final decision. At the end of the meeting, no decision was reached, except to stay put where they are. And Arumugam Thondaman was vested with all-powers to decide on the issue, eventually.

Though the meeting ended without a decision, more was to follow. The UPFA was keeping a close watch on the movements of Mr. Thondaman. President Chandrika Kumaratunga had already assigned Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse to handle the negotiations with the CWC leader. This was after Minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle was entrusted to do the bargaining with the youngThondaman.

Fews hours later, it was Ministers Fernandopulle and Premajayantha who called over at Thondman's Colombo 7 residence to find out what the CWC had decided on. They were joined later by the Prime Minister himself.

From portfolios to positions to be offered to CWC members, both in the Government and the Provincial Councils, the UPFA leaders promised heaven and earth, or at least it seemed they had to move heaven and earth now to get that magical 113 seats in Parliament by next Tuesday.

The Defence Ministry which withdrew the Air Force security that was provided for Thondaman when he decided not to support them on an earlier occasion, and which turned the CWC leader into a raging bull, had also been reversed in a bid to cool him.

He has now been provided with STF security after the DII ( Directorate of Internal Intelligence ) provided the Defence Ministry with a report that there was, in fact, a security threat to Arumugam Thondaman, and recommended security for him. So did the UPFA negotiating team discuss the proposed Kotmale hydro power project issue.

Minister Premajayantha who was quoted earlier in the day as saying he was going ahead with the proposed power project, was trying to convince Arumugam Thondaman that they needed to go ahead with the project, but his arguments and reasoning out did not appear to have convinced the CWC leader.

After two hours of discussions, a long day of discussions for Arumugam Thondaman, the UPFA negotiating team left, again sans any commitment from Thondaman.

The CWC is now unlikely to support the UPFA by Tuesday, and insiders in the party say that it is unlikely that they would support the incumbents for some time to come.They have firmly rejected any moves to oust Speaker W.J.M. Lokubandara as well, a prime stretegic decision of the UPFA.

Meanwhile, another stormy session of Parliament is expected next Tuesday. This is only the fourth sitting of Parliament since the elections four months ago, and it will be also the fourth time that new MPs take their oaths. So stormy are they expecting it to be that the public galleries will be closed, except for those relatives and friends of the MPs taking their oaths.

Meanwhile, the Joint-Opposition is planning to move amendments to existing laws on appointments to high posts at the state radio, TV and press. They have pointed out that abuse of the state media has prompted them to move the amendments.

The moves have already been challenged by JVP Propaganda Secretary, Wimal Weerawansa who has called this " un-ethical " and claiming these moves to have the Constitutional Council make these appointments, "not practical".

Within the next 72 hours, on Tuesday the 20th, we are sure to hear, if not see, another huge political explosion in the House of the Representatives of the Supreme People. The MPs must be surely gargling their throats, exercising their limbs, and toning their muscles for the moment.

Alliance triumphs but future remains clouded
By Harinda Ranura Vidanage
A former heavy weight of the PA government Anuruddha Ratwatte celebrated his birthday last Tuesday in grand manner. The political significance of the event was that from the invitees it was clear where the former Defence Deputy Minister stood in relation to the UPFA.

The invitees included many from Prime Minister Rajapakse's group. Denied a seat in parliament, thanks to JVP agitation, Mr. Ratwatte showed his desire to strengthen the SLFP. At the same function a state media boss also got a tongue lashing from a veteran SLFP member who accused him of using his television channel only to promote the JVP. Minister Anura Bandaranaike had targeted the same media chief a few days ago for not giving him sufficient publicity.

The provincial council election results came as a shock to both the SLFP and the UNF with JVP scoring a resounding success. The JVP will be targeting the Pradeshiya Sabha elections, due to precede the Presidential elections. The Reds slowly but steadily are gaining a grip on the whole state apparatus from the national to the local levels. The JVP it is obvious is bent on maximizing the benefits of being in the UPFA.

By the next general elections the JVP could be hoping to transform itself to replace the SLFP to the second power from the third by acquiring the space enjoyed by the SLFP from its position of power in the political equation. An analysis of the JVP electoral strategy clearly shows its preference to promote its own candidates through campaigning under the UPFA banner.

The Jathika Hela Urumaya that carried the Sihala Urumaya banner at the general elections in April 2004 on the heels of Ven Gangodawila Soma Thera's death seems to be in severe crisis. Many factors have contributed to this crisis among the monk parliamentarians. These monks who now form a nine MP group though split never worked together even before the formation of this body and have largely been influenced by both social and political factors ranging from caste and class to party agendas. Thus this column warned even during its formative period that this formation would weaken the already fragile Buddhist brotherhood in the country.

It is said a section of the JHU parliamentary group again had met some government representatives last Friday for talks on how to iron out differences and cooperate with the government to make it more stable. While some elements dismiss in disbelief that Mervyn Silva was the man behind the scene coordinating these talks. Mr. Silva has managed to convince the JHU of the need to hold a special meeting with President Kumaratunga during the course of this week.

The party leaders meeting held last Tuesday at President's House saw the President in an earnest attempt to create a badly needed consensus on the future of the peace process. As usual this meeting was delayed for more than two hours. Old habits never die, it was funny to see the long faces of the JVP representatives who had been waiting for more than two hours for the meeting. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse had walked in one and a half hours late knowing by experience how the leader treats time.

The President is toying with the idea of going for an all party conference to make a breakthrough in the peace process.

This decision was taken as the UPFA party leaders were unable to reach consensus on the future of the peace process. The JVP stuck to its previously stated position that there was nothing to talk on the ISGA.

A disturbing contradiction in the UPFA stand came in the form of a statement issued by the Presidential Secretariat based on the UPFA victory in the wake of the Provincial Council elections saying that the voter had endorsed the concept of an Interim Authority. But later at a news conference Cabinet spokesman Mangala Samaraweera dismissed it saying it was not the President’s view. But the question is, then whose views were those and if the Presidential Secretariat is not her official communications unit, what is? Though the Minister said it was incorrect the President never corrected the statement released from her office nor was an alternative statement issued.

The term used in the statement was Interim Authority, not the LTTE proposed ISGA. It was President Kumaratunga who first spoke of the interim authority concept as a component for the resolution of the ethnic conflict politically. Meanwhile there are efforts by some elements in the JVP and even in the JHU to establish a communication link with the LTTE directly.

The Government definitely will be in a more comfortable position than they were in earlier, after winning the Provincial Council elections. The next struggle for the UPFA will be to obtain a parliamentary majority and shed the tag of being called a minority government. The state needs stability, peace and the adjustment of economic issues are retarding progress.

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