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LTTE seeks peace role for wanted arms chief That is whilst awaiting the counter proposals of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), delayed week after week. There are increasing indications it may not arrive until its leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, addresses the "Thamil nation" when the "Maveerar (or Heroes) Week" ends with his 50th birthday on November 27. If it does arrive, UNF leaders are making it clear no bi-lateral discussions would be possible until the budget and the debate that follows in Parliament is over in mid-December. Perhaps the budget proposals, they believe, would set the right climate since they would offer "great relief and benefits" to the people. Hence the next round of peace talks are not likely until the new year. The mounting security concerns, without doubt, are because of the lackadaisical attitude shown towards the defence and security establishment by the UNF leadership since the ceasefire. If the security forces were not periodically equipped or provided with their regular requirements, whatever intelligence assessments made available have been largely ignored or not acted upon. These were all for one reason - the fear of offending the guerrillas. In marked contrast,
a plethora of guerrilla demands were heeded in double quick time.
These have gone to expand and consolidate their political establishment
as well as their military machine. The list is too long to mention
here. But one example which underscores the fact is how accepted
norms and procedures were violated to help the guerrillas import
and clear without any payment of duty a powerful broadcasting station.
The full impact of this powerful radio station in the Wanni is yet
to be felt. The guerrillas more than doubled their strength by recruiting new cadres including children. More state-of-the-art military hardware was smuggled in. The Sri Lanka Navy intercepted and sank at least two of their cargo vessels prompting the guerrillas to claim, for the first time, that they were their own ships on innocent passage. Tiger guerrillas embarked on a programme to increase their dominance in land areas in the east, much the same way they have done in the Wanni. Here, there is a virtual parallel administration with police, law courts, revenue collection mechanism, a land force, a sea going force and many other establishments. Just weeks after the guerrillas began this task in the east, The Sunday Times revealed how "court houses" and "police stations" were opened. UNF leaders used the state and private media to hurl abuse and brand us as "spoilers" of the peace process. There were attempts at intimidation and abuse to prevent further exposure and thus avoid embarrassment to them. But revelations continued. On August 3 (Situation Report) The Sunday Times revealed exclusively how the guerrillas opened new camps, re-occupied ones that were abandoned and were strengthening installations around the Trincomalee port. The report said this not only posed a threat to Sri Lanka's national security interests but also to India's since state owned Indian Oil Corporation (IOC) had leased out part of the oil tank farm in Trincomalee. The People's Alliance not only raised issue but also apprised leaders of the political establishment in India. UNF leaders, senior officials of the defence establishment and even propagandists not only dismissed these reports initially but ridiculed them as concoctions. But, Defence Minister Tilak Marapana admitted to Parliament on October 8 that the guerrillas have "taken advantage of the ceasefire and effectively increased their presence in this area to the extent that the LTTE strength has nearly doubled since the ceasefire." He asserted that "we should not tolerate anything and everything and allow the LTTE to get stronger and stronger and be suddenly surprised by an attack which we are unable to withstand."
In this context, the visit today to India by Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe is indeed significant. During a meeting with Indian Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, he is to broach two very important subjects - a possible defence co-operation agreement and one to ensure closer economic co-operation between Sri Lanka and India. India, like neighbouring Pakistan, has come to the assistance of successive governments during threats to national security. The first such occasion was the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) insurrection in 1971. Since then, all such assistance has been singularly in respect of threats posed by Tiger guerrillas. Hence, it is significant that formal defence co-operation with India is being mooted by the UNF Government during peace times, 19 long months after a ceasefire with the LTTE. Yet, it is salutary that UNF leaders have become live to national security threats though at a late hour. All this while, the target was not the guerrillas but those pointing out from where the threats were coming - a malady that has inflicted successive governments. Minister Milinda
Moragoda, a member of the Government's negotiating team, who has
been regularly briefing the governments in India and the United
States on developments in the peace process will join Premier Wickremesinghe.
He is flying to New Delhi from Washington and London where he has
remained for over a week now. Among other
matters President Kumaratunga is learnt to have raised are the Government's
controversial defence reforms and moves to introduce legislation
in Parliament to deprive powers of the President who is Commander-in-Chief.
Premier Wickremesinghe is to have a further meeting with President
Kumaratunga to brief her. Details of what transpired at this conference at the Defence Ministry are not known. But according to one source, Mr. Marapana is said to have made clear the UNF's disapproval of the appointment of a serving commander as Chief of Defence Staff. He had told the conference Premier Wickremesinghe did not approve of this and UNF's plans were to appoint a different person and not a serving commandor. Mr. Marapana had said the matter would be further discussed with the Premier. It was barely two weeks ago President Kumaratunga extended the term of office of Army Commander Lt. Gen. Lionel Balagalle to serve until June 30 next year. The Army Chief who was due to retire on December 31 was also named the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS). The appointment under the Prevention of Terrorism Act will make him directly answerable to the President in that appointment. The meeting also saw Mr. Marapana, in an unusual move summon pilots of the Sri Lanka Air Force to ascertain their views on matters relating to training. This was despite the presence of Air Force Commander Air Marshal Perera. Noting what he called their very poor performance in the past years of combat, he asked what can be done to improve their role. It will not only be Premier Wickremesinghe who will raise matters relating to Sri Lanka’s security concerns with India. President Kumaratunga has already done so with Indian Foreign Minister, Jaswant Sinha when she called on her last Wednesday at Janadipathi Mandiraya. During talks with Shri Sinha, President Kumaratunga is learnt to have made the point that the UNF Government and the Opposition were now agreed that the Trincomalee port faced a threat from Tiger guerrillas. This was after the debate in Parliament on the security situation in the east on October 8. The Sunday Times reliably learns that President Kumaratunga broached the subject of a possible Indian naval presence at the Trincomalee port or its environs. That is on the basis of a request from the Government. She is also learnt to have recommended that there should be further close co-operation between the Navies of Sri Lanka and India. There was considerable discussion on the matter, it is learnt. However, reports from a section of the media attempted to make out Shri Sinha told a news conference there was no threat to Trincomalee - in effect giving a spin to the actual remarks he made. What he said was "as of now there is no threat to Indian installations." No one in his right senses would have expected Shri Sinha to declare there was in fact a serious threat. That would amount to the Government of India, which controls the world's fourth largest Army, acknowledging that a small band of Tiger guerrillas were a threat to them. Besides, such a declaration would naturally have to be followed by action to either eliminate that threat or prevent it. Moreover, such a declaration would have only invited unwarranted criticism towards India of attempting to sabotage the peace process - a charge from which New Delhi has been keeping scrupulously clear. There have been occasions when attempts had been made by interested lobbies to implicate India, like for instance, after the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) ruling over an attack on a Chinese fishing trawler by suspected guerrillas in the seas off Mullaitivu in March, this year. The SLMM then ruled that it was the work of "armed elements- not recognised by any of the parties - operating in LTTE or GOSL controlled areas, represent a serious threat to the peace process." (Situation Report - April 6, 2003). If there is any, the SLMM has until today not made clear who these armed elements are. In this context, the visit to Sri Lanka of the Commander of India's Southern Command, Lt. Gen. G.S. Sehotha, assumes some significance. Though Army officials say it is a routine three-day visit planned two months ago, when he meets local security forces top brass issues of common interest will naturally come up for discussion. It is the southern
command in Tamil Nadu that was used by the Indian Peace Keeping
Force as their forward operational base when they were present in
the country's north and east. Lt. Gen. Sehotha will be accorded
a guard of honour and received at Army Headquarters on Wednesday
by Army Commander and CDS Lt. Gen. Balagalle. Norwegian peace facilitators who were in Colombo last month had sounded out UNF leaders whether the Government had any objections to the inclusion of Shanmugam Kumaran Tharmalingam as a member of the LTTE delegation at future peace talks. The Norwegians had checked, through their own channels; the man had not come to their adverse notice. At first glance, the name, like the names of most other guerrillas, seemed harmless. But 48-year-old Tharmalingam was no ordinary guerrilla cadre. In fact, that was just one of more than 23 names by which he was known. Perhaps that was how the Norwegians learnt he had not come to their adverse notice. The man is better known as Kumaran Pathmanathan or simply "KP". He heads the notorious KP Department, the procurement arm of the LTTE. He is the man responsible for equipping the guerrillas with a modern day arsenal to fight a high intensity war. He procured state-of-the-art military hardware, paid for them through secret bank accounts and ensured they were shipped. He is elusive. His actions are secretive. He is known to keep direct contacts only with LTTE leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran. Some of the world's best-known intelligence agencies, such as America's CIA and Britain's MI 5, have been on his trail. More often than not, local and foreign intelligence agencies on his trail have lost track as he hopped from one country to another. He was known to frequent Thailand. It was a cursory check that revealed the facts. The Interpol Headquarters in Lyons, France had issued a Red Notice - so called on account of the red-flagged corner - containing a description, complete with photograph and other details. The red notice said "Tharmalingam is alleged to have been involved in the murder of Rajiv Gandhi on 21 May 1991 in Tamil Nadu, India." Theories abound on why Mr. Prabhakaran made the request. Quite simply, getting on the list of peace negotiators would mean KP would be off the list of the world's most wanted men. With Sri Lanka's approval, the Norwegian facilitators would have made sure of that. The Interpol red notice (see facsimile on his page) that describes KP as a “fugitive wanted for prosecution” warns that "This person maybe armed, violent, dangerous and suicidal." Among the countries KP was known to have frequented, Interpol says, are India, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Netherlands, Switzerland, Sweden, South Africa, Canada, Cyprus, Greece, Bulgaria, United States, Italy, Cambodia, Singapore and Indonesia. From this demand and others he has successfully obtained from the UNF leadership, it is clear that Mr. Prabhakaran, who is operating from his secure hideout in the jungles of Mullaitivu is adept politically as he is militarily. Whilst using the good offices of Norwegian facilitators to bring one of his close confidante into the open, he has also won for LTTE political recognition world-wide during the ceasefire. On the military front, intelligence sources say, he has continued to build his military machine by smuggling in through the north eastern deep seas more state-of-the-art military hardware. In these columns last week I reported how the Eastern Naval Command in Trincomalee had intensified patrols in the north-eastern deep seas following reports of possible attempts by Tiger guerrilla vessels to smuggle in military hardware. The report said how Sri Lanka Air Force Beechcraft reconnaissance flights were operating in the deep seas off the shores between Mullaitivu and Batticaloa. There was a sequel last Thursday evening soon after the Eastern Naval Command Headquarters received reports that a Tiger guerrilla arms ship was heading towards the north-eastern coast. This was some 250 miles east of Mullaitivu. Two Gun Boats were despatched from the Dockyard, home of Eastern Naval Command Headquarters. On board one of them was a monitor from the Trincomalee office of the SLMM armed with a satellite phone. Soon after the Sri Lanka Navy sank an LTTE tanker (MV Soshin) in the high seas off Mullaitivu (Situation Report - June 22), Defence Secretary Austin Fernando had sent written instructions to Eastern Naval Commander, Rear Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda. They were orders that a member of the SLMM should be on board when Naval craft engage in any operations. Navy's SLNS Suranimala, the former Israeli fast missile vessel, was heading to Colombo after a patrolling stint in the deep seas. It was also diverted to the location. The Navy in Trincomalee sought help from the Air Force. The Beechcraft flew out from Ratmalana. They are said to have located a vessel on their radar. It was 10 am on Friday morning when the two Gun Boats cut through choppy waters to reach the location. But when they arrived, there were no signs of any suspicious vessel. There was in fact no vessel to be located in the area, the Gun Boats reported to Eastern Naval Area Headquarters. The Sri Lanka Navy yesterday accused the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) of jeopardising the operation to round up the Tiger guerrilla arms ship. The charge was made in a report sent yesterday by Vice Admiral Daya Sandagiri to President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, Commander-in-Chief. This was in response to a directive given to him to provide details of the incident. Vice Admiral Sandagiri, who presided at a top level conference of officers at Navy Headquarters before the report was sent, The Sunday Times learnt, said he was aware information of the Navy’s operation had leaked to Tiger guerrillas. Hence, the suspected ship was able to get away from the locality. The monitor is reported to have used his satellite phone to call SLMM head office whilst he was on board the Gun Boat and given details of the mission. The SLMM office had got in touch with even the Defence Secretary Fernando. The latter is learnt to have then queried Vice Admiral Sandagiri as to why the Navy Vessels were setting out to sea with an SLMM monitor on board. The Navy continues its surveillance. A Beechcraft flight on Friday failed to show any presence of vessels. As a Government and an opposition wait in suspense for the Tiger guerrilla counter proposals to arrive, security concerns seem to be the predominant factor. A case of lessons not being learnt from the past. |
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