While ceremonially handing over weapons to the Indians in 1987, Prabhakaran was plotting Rajiv Ghandi's death. While negotiating with Chandrika, he was plotting her death. And what was Prabhakaran now doing? As in these earlier times of adversity, he was adjusting his sails for his ultimate objective. He said "We can't ignore the realities of today's world" - the international war on terror. He, however, added, "We have to realize this and adjust our path to freedom" - meaning the end objective of separatism was unaltered. This was no paradigm shift. It was a continuation of all earlier Tiger statements; pre-MOU, through Thailand and in Oslo. The only difference was that the government had now become a major LTTE publicist and its purveyor of propaganda.

Whatever spin the government gave to Prabhakaran's words to his fellow criminals, the context was telling. This "Heroes' Speech" was the first time that LTTE supporters had been able to freely gather from all parts of the country. The Tiger anthem was played. Other songs left little to the imagination. Examples: "The blood that is shed is sufficient to build a Tamil nation" and "The fire that burns in our hearts is the force that creates Eelam".

This speech to his fellow criminals against humanity came days after the Oslo Development Forum. The latter had been a diplomatic coming out party for the LTTE. In the legal eyes of the foreign community, the LTTE was now equated with the government, a parallel state entity. The LTTE, an organization on the terrorist-banned list of several countries, was gaining diplomatic recognition.

Moragoda and Peiris had gone to Delhi cap in hand to beg for Indian participation, but the Oslo meeting was snubbed by India. Our Prime Minister "explained" that it was legal factors that kept away the Indians from Oslo. And what was this small, Indian "legal factor"? The LTTE had killed an Indian Prime Minister. For our Premier, no such legal impediment existed that the LTTE had also killed Premadasa, Athulathmudali, Dissanayake and Wijeratne, all key UNP (and country) leaders.

In Oslo, the US had wanted the LTTE to renounce violence. Balasingham rejected this. The Tamil Guardian repeated this LTTE line saying that as long as Sri Lanka had an army, the LTTE, too, should have a parallel army. The Prime Minister and Minister Peiris, as chief Tiger apologists, said the international media had misreported the Tigers. But Reuters news agency stuck by its story. As Tiger apologist, the Prime Minister went further. On the occasion of Prabhakaran's 200 year sentence on mass murder, the Prime Minister said it was an ex parte trial without Prabhakaran having legal representation.

The Oslo aid conference gave only a pittance in aid, a very small bone thrown at a disposable lap dog. The government would underwrite this aid but it would eventually help support the LTTE separatist infrastructure.

In spite of the Prime Minister's protestations to the contrary, the de facto establishment of the separate state in the form of LTTE police stations, administrative apparatus and judicial courts continues. And when questioned, the government says it will refer such matters to the Norwegians - its real rulers. Meanwhile TamilNet announced on December 02, that the LTTE opened its first Thamil Eelam court in Trincomalee district by hoisting the "Thamileelam national flag". And in Prabhakaran's old home at Valvetiturai there is now a plaque saying "Birth place of the President of Tamil Eelam".

The Tigers now have their Army and Navy, administrative structure, police and courts, a flag, a national anthem and now increasingly diplomatic recognition. All elements of a separate state, unchallenged and in fact helped by the government.

The "point of no return" in his peace process that the Prime Minister referred to, has already occurred; albeit in the opposite direction of locking in a de facto separatist state. India is alarmed. Thailand has reportedly refused future Sri Lankan peace talks. One speculation was that this was under Indian pressure. But other sources say that it was Thai realization of the enormous damage being done to Sri Lanka, the fountainhead of the Thai religion.

In India, legal factors run their course. The Chennai high court has asked the Indian Government to explain why their Prevention of Terrorism Act forbidding contacts with banned organizations like the LTTE should not apply to diplomats when they sit with the LTTE at Oslo.

The pro LTTE Sudaroli reported that the secret pact promising an Interim Agreement was signed in London before the last elections between Moragoda and Balasingham. This, signing an agreement with a then banned organization was an act of the same criminal illegality which the Chennai courts queried. In fact, Balasingham has also claimed that it was under LTTE request that the UNF tried to change the constitution through the 19th Amendment. This is an area that our new independent commissions should and must pursue.

Moragoda has said in an Asia-Pacific meeting that the US should exercise global hegemony. At a time when even staunch pro-Western countries like Malaysia and the Philippines are railing against hegemony by Australia as a proxy for US, this Moragoda Doctrine would not have gone unnoticed. Especially China and India, super powers in the making would have been startled.

The US State Department would possibly have cringed. This Moragoda Doctrine may even evoke Indian memories of a time a section of the US establishment was pushing for the balkanization of India (that is its break up). In this light Moragoda's current pushing of LTTE interests might even be considered another effort in the same balkanization line. By helping Tamil separatism here, he helps stoke it in India.

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