Editorial

26th November 2000

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A long way to go

The hype seemed akin to a State of the Union address by a United States President, the Pope's Christmas Day message and the British Queen's.

Peaceniks, war mongers, diplomats and the like wait in awe for what has turned out to be the annual declaration by the LTTE leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran - the man who has for 18 long years directed a separatist war against the State. Today, he celebrates his 46th birthday. From somewhere in the jungles of Wanni, he will go on air over the clandestine Voice of Tigers radio to make his 'policy' statement.

It has become a customary practice for many years. But today's event has assumed greater significance. After almost six years of 'war, war' during Eelam War Three, cries of 'jaw, jaw' have begun to reverberate once more, this time after the Norwegian initiative.

Norway's peace broker, Special Envoy Erik Solheim, trekked the jungles of Wanni to shake hands with Mr. Prabhakaran and to launch his peace offensive as a facilitator. The LTTE insisted there were 'pre requisites' for peace talks — 'the removal of military aggression and occupation, the withdrawal of the economic embargo and the creation of conditions of normalcy in the Tamil homeland.'

In the words of Mr. Solheim, there were 'no pre-conditions' from the LTTE to engage in peace talks. He made this clear when he addressed a news conference in Colombo, soon after his return from the Wanni. And this week, Mr. Solheim and Norway's Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Raymond Johansen, were in New Delhi to not only brief Indian leaders about the peace initiative but also to assure they bore in mind the Indian concerns over the matter. Here again, Mr. Solheim made it clear there were no pre-conditions.

In marked contrast, President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, told Parliament on November 9, during her People's Alliance Government's policy statement 'they (the Norwegians) informed us that there are certain conditions that have to be met before the beginning of discussions. However, there is no decision yet on what these conditions are.'

Today we publish an Exclusive interview with S.P. Thamilchelvam, leader of the LTTE's Political Wing, the only senior member associated with Mr. Prabhakaran during talks with Mr. Solheim with the exception of a translator. Mr. Tamilchelvam makes it clear that it is only when hostilities cease, the Army withdrawn and the so called economic embargo lifted that lasting peace efforts can succeed. His remarks are the first official pronouncement from the LTTE since Mr. Solheim's Wanni visit and President Kumaratunga's policy statement.

If one is to be charitable to the LTTE, its stance with Mr. Solheim is a 'human face to the international community' and 'another face' to the Tamil diaspora, which is funding the LTTE to fight for a separate state by proxy. If one is to be uncharitable, as past experience has shown, the stance for peace talks can be nothing more than part of its battlefield strategy - a tactic it has successfully used to its advantage during previous peace talks.

The one question that has not been posed to Mr. Thamilchelvam is- probably the most crucial one-will the LTTE settle for anything less than Eelam-given its leader's well publicised rallying call to his faithfuls once "kill me if I settle for anything less than Eelam." Like the confusion news reports of peace talks caused in the security establishment, assertions over 'pre requisites' and 'no preconditions' can only lead to more confusion. Here lies a warning to the Government of Sri Lanka and to Mr. Solheim.

One would wish Mr. Prabhakaran Many Happy Returns, that is to the negotiating table. One would equally wish Mr. Solheim would tread with greater caution.

He has already won gold in the form of a token from Mr. Prabhakaran. But a Gold Medal from Sri Lankans, to use Mr. Solheim's own words, 'is no quick fix.' There is a long way to go and a lot to learn.

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